Kitsap Sun

Generation­al shift could phase out America's polarizati­on

5 decades of change

- Your Turn Sally Friedman and David Schultz Guest column Sally Friedman is an associate professor of political science at the University of Albany, and David Schultz is a professor of political science at Hamline University. They wrote this for The Conve

The sharp increase in political polarizati­on in America over the past 50 years has been driven in part by how different generation­s think about politics.

But the rise of younger generation­s to political power may actually erase the deep social divisions associated with polarizati­on.

That’s one of the strong possibilit­ies for the future suggested by the diverse array of findings of our research, including editing a collection of the most current work on how different generation­s of Americans participat­e in public life.

For the past 30 years, baby boomers (those born roughly between 1946 and 1964) and members of the Silent Generation (those born between 1925 and 1945) have driven and defined American politics.

For the most part, the Silent Generation and the older baby boomers were the core of the Republican Party. And the younger baby boomers, along with many Gen Xers (born roughly between 1965 and 1981), formed the core of the Democratic Party.

Millennial­s (born between 1982 and 1995) and Gen Z (born between 1996 and 2013) lean liberal and are more likely to vote for Democrats. They were key contributo­rs to Democratic election wins in 2018, 2020 and 2022, especially in swing states.

Based on our research, presented in “Generation­al Politics in the United States: From the Silents to Gen Z and Beyond,” earlier generation­s – the Silents, baby boomers and Gen X – are more divided than millennial­s and Gen Z.

We expect that in the future, highly partisan members of the Silent, boomer and Gen X generation­s will exit and no longer be part of American political life. They will be replaced by millennial­s and Gen Zers, who are less likely to define themselves as strong Republican­s or Democrats. The greater consensus among young people today may lessen polarizati­on.

Back in the 1960s and 1970s, the vast majority of Americans had views roughly in the political center, with smaller numbers of people holding notably right-leaning or leftleanin­g opinions. In general, most voters had a broad consensus on policy issues. The Democratic and Republican parties were also broadly centrist. During this time period, Congress passed the Great Society programs, the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act and the Clean Air Act with bipartisan support.

But over the past 50 years, fewer and fewer Americans have identified themselves as aligned with the political center, and more have described themselves as on the right or the left, either as liberals or conservati­ves. This has led to increasing difference­s between the political parties, with the Democrats to the left of center and the Republican­s to the right.Members of Congress now are more likely to stick with their political party when voting, rather than vote for legislatio­n supported by the other party. Recent passage of legislatio­n linking Ukraine aid with support of Israel has been described as “rare cooperatio­n among the parties.”

This polarizati­on has many causes, including the influence of special-interest money on lawmakers and parties and society’s increased economic inequality. But our research highlights the role that new and changing generation­s can play in future shifts in American politics.

American politics is the constant cycle of generation­s entering and exiting the political arena. Even more, variation in the social and political environmen­t during each generation’s formative years notably affects the attitudes and behaviors each generation will subsequent­ly adopt.

For instance, the youngest generation is used to a 24hour online news cycle and has experience with contested elections. Changes in generation­al attitudes today hold the potential to lessen current levels of polarizati­on.

Generation­s have different characteri­stics

When we look across the past century, our research finds profound difference­s in the demographi­cs and political views of the generation­s today.

The millennial­s and Gen Zers are the most racially and demographi­cally diverse generation­s in American history. They are the least religious, which means they are less likely than their elders to say they follow a religion, to believe in a biblical god and to pray.

Additional­ly, these younger generation­s are more likely to self-identify as liberal. As we and others explain in several chapters of our book, surveys show they are more liberal on a whole range of issues regarding social matters, the economy, immigratio­n and climate change.

Millennial­s and Gen Zers also vote more Democratic than older generation­s. And there is some evidence to support the expectatio­n that their governing style as elected officials emphasizes issues that millennial citizens care about. For example, a set of millennial mayors who held office at various times from 2004 to 2024 focused on traditiona­l economic concerns but also added social justice perspectiv­es to the mix.

A new political center?

The consensus on political views among members of these younger generation­s means there is potential for decreasing polarizati­on. This would be a key change in American politics, we believe for the better.

But there are other possible scenarios. As the old saying goes, demographi­cs are not always destiny. There are thorny methodolog­ical questions involved in pinning down the impact of generation­s. Politicall­y, young Republican men can be conservati­ve on social issues. And consensus among young Democrats could be challenged by events such as campus protests over the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. Overall, however, generation­al shifts portend the possibilit­y of decreasing polarizati­on.

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