Las Vegas Review-Journal

Political violence is ‘as American as cherry pie’

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SOMEDAY, I hope, I’ll sit a couple of grandkids on my lap and tell them about the days when Americans abstained from political violence and settled all our difference­s peaceably through the democratic process. Or maybe I’ll pick a different fairy tale.

Last week’s attack on

GOP members of Congress by a gun-wielding Bernie Sanders supporter was an occasion to wonder what we have come to when political difference­s are seen as grounds for killing. What we have come to, in fact, is the place we have always been. Our history is spattered with the blood of people targeted for political reasons.

It goes back to the American Revolution, which we mistily remember as a noble enterprise navigated by high-minded statesmen. In fact, it incorporat­ed terrorism against suspected loyalists, who were subjected to beatings, torture and lynchings. The goal was not merely to punish the guilty but to intimidate those who might share their views.

The republic was born in political violence, and political violence has figured prominentl­y in every chapter of our national story.

Abraham Lincoln was assassinat­ed by a political opponent. President William Mckinley died in 1901 at the hands of an anarchist ; another anarchist fired at President Roosevelt in 1933, missing him but killing the mayor of Chicago.

John F. Kennedy was gunned down by a communist sympathize­r. His brother fell victim to a Palestinia­n aggrieved by Bobby’s support for Israel. Martin Luther King was murdered by a white racist. Two different women with political motives tried to assassinat­e President Gerald Ford.

It’s not exactly new for at least a few Americans to see violence as a legitimate way to resolve political disputes. Do you think of the 1950s as a safe, tranquil era? During that decade, civil rights activists were beaten and killed; King’s home was bombed. In 1954, Puerto Rican nationalis­ts opened fire in the U.S. House, wounding five members.

In the 1960s, radical leftists carried out thousands of bombings, some of them deadly. Violence, announced black militant H. Rap Brown in 1967, “is as American as cherry pie.”

Even in our era, it remains a feature of the landscape. Anti-government extremist Timothy Mcveigh killed 168 people when he bombed a federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995. Attacks on abortion clinics and doctors have long been commonplac­e; since 1977, according to the National Abortion Federation, there have been 11 murders, 26 attempted murders and 42 bombings.

The Anti-defamation League recently published a study documentin­g 150 right-wing terrorist acts over the past 25 years. Islamic extremists have committed terrorist attacks from Orlando to San Bernardino. In 2015, neo-nazi Dylann Roof killed nine people in an African-american church in an attempt to spark a race war. Last year, a black sniper angry over police shootings of black men killed five police officers and wounded nine in Dallas.

The case of James T. Hodgkinson, killed by police after he shot four people in Alexandria, Va., is shocking but not surprising. Conservati­ves can blame inflammato­ry anti-trump rhetoric, just as liberals have faulted the president and his supporters for their often threatenin­g tone — both with ample cause. But our political climate has not suddenly grown conducive to bloodshed. Our political climate is perpetuall­y hospitable to extremism.

There have always been individual­s and groups with a fervent faith in the purifying value of guns, ropes and bombs. And there have always been political allies willing to ignore or downplay these dangerous impulses in the interest of a common cause.

If we hope to end this habit of violence, we can’t interpret it as the fresh product of new political battles. We can’t take it as a response to Trump, pro or anti. We have to recognize that it has deep, tenacious roots in a political culture created over time by both the left and the right. Violence is part of our collective political DNA.

This grotesque outbreak of political violence was a tragedy, but it was not an aberration. The first step to overcoming our flaws is to admit how deep they go.

Steve Chapman blogs at http://www.chicagotri­bune. com/news/opinion/ chapman.

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