Las Vegas Review-Journal

VICE PRESIDENT BUSY COURTING DONORS, ATTENDING DINNERS

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The off-site events and dinners at Pence’s residence underscore the vice president’s outreach to donors for an administra­tion led by a president who dislikes courting contributo­rs, who often expect personal attention in exchange for their support. Pence’s activities have fueled speculatio­n among Republican insiders that he is laying the foundation for his own political future, independen­t from Trump.

If nothing else, the assiduous donor maintenanc­e by Pence and his team reflects his acceptance of a Washington reality that Trump sharply criticized during the campaign, when he assailed some of his party’s most generous donors as puppet masters who manipulate­d the political process to further their own interests at the expense of working people.

Trump frequently said that because of his own real estate fortune, he didn’t need or want support from wealthy donors or the political groups known as super PACS, to which donors can give seven-figure donations and which Trump blasted as “very corrupt.”

Pence’s aides point out that he also has dinners at the residence for groups other than donors, including members of Congress, world leaders, military families, civic leaders and friends. They cast the donor dinners as an effort to build support for the administra­tion’s agenda, not for Pence personally.

“Mike Pence is the ultimate team player and works every day to help the president succeed,” said Robert Grand, an Indianapol­is lawyer who helped raise money for Pence’s campaigns in Indiana for Congress and for governor. Grand attended a dinner at the vice president’s residence in June. “There were a lotoffolks­who,ifyouwerev­ice president, you would want to meet,” Grand said. “Corporate executives, other government leaders, people from past administra­tions, not just donors.”

He added that “any administra­tion, past and present, has an interest in getting to know folks. If you’re an incumbent president and vice president, then that’s part of what you do.”

Pence’s office declined to release the lists of guests invited to the dinners, which have not appeared on schedules released by the vice president’s office to the media. Marc Lotter, Pence’s press secretary, called the dinners “private” and said that the vice president had not held any political fundraiser­s at his residence, which would be complicate­d by a law barring the solicitati­on of political contributi­ons in government buildings.

But the dinners fit a long tradition of presidenti­al administra­tions leveraging the grand trappings of the office to reward loyal supporters or to induce influentia­l people to become supportive. President Bill Clinton drew ire for inviting major donors to his 1996 re-election campaign to stay overnight in the White House’s Lincoln Bedroom, for instance, though his team drew an explicit link between the contributi­ons and the rewards, one that Pence’s advisers have been careful to avoid. President Barack Obama also entertaine­d donors at the White House, as did former Vice President Joe Biden when he lived at the Naval Observator­y residence.

Pence typically kicks off his dinners with a cocktail hour at which he recounts the history of the taxpayer-funded residence, followed by a brief assessment of his administra­tion’s legislativ­e and foreign policy agendas and a question-and-answer session, according to guests. After people are seated for dinner at four or five separate tables, they said, Pence makes his way around the room, chatting for a few minutes with each guest.

Pence’s willingnes­s to use his residence to host wealthy donors has been reassuring to Republican finance and political operatives, who worry that their congressio­nal candidates could be severely hampered if they faced financial shortfalls during 2018 midterm elections, when Trump’s unpopulari­ty is expected to create strong headwinds.

The dinners are “a smart way for Vice President Pence and his team to recognize major supporters of his and the president’s agenda, and build resources that are going to be necessary for the upcoming battles,” said Charles Spies, a leading Republican election lawyer.

Pence, who came to Trump’s ticket with a reputation as an enthusiast­ic cultivator of wealthy patrons, has worked to win over donors who clashed with Trump during the campaign, among them billionair­e industrial­ist Charles Koch. Pence spent nearly an hour last month with Koch in a private meeting at a Colorado Springs hotel, where the vice president praised Trump for his leadership in pushing to fulfill campaign promises and in selecting strong Cabinet nominees, according to James Davis, an executive at a Koch-backed group who attended the meeting.

Pence also summoned about a dozen mega-donors, including some who had not supported Trump during the campaign, for a legislativ­e briefing in the White House’s Roosevelt Room on June 9. Trump stopped by the gathering briefly to greet the donors, according to an administra­tion official and others briefed on the gathering.

Associates say Pence has discussed with the president the importance of encouragin­g major donors to support America First Policies. Pence signaled his own support for the group by appearing with his wife at a reception in Washington this spring for prospectiv­e donors to America First Policies that was hosted by a fundraisin­g consultant, Jeff Miller.

The group was founded soon after Trump’s inaugurati­on by political operatives outside the administra­tion, including two close advisers to Pence — Nick Ayers and Marty Obst — who helped arrange the Naval Obser- vatory dinners and attended some of them.

In March, Obst, who was a top fundraiser for Trump’s campaign and inaugurati­on, told Politico that America First Policies had received $25 million in commitment­s and had collected more than half that money. In recent weeks, America First Policies has spent money on one advertisin­g campaign questionin­g the national security bona fides of the Democratic nominee in a special election for a Georgia congressio­nal seat, and another chastising Sen. Dean Heller, R-nev., for his opposition to the Senate health care bill that would supplant the Affordable Careact.

While Ayers has stepped away from America First Policies and related groups in recent days as he prepares to take a position as Pence’s new chief of staff, the team behind the political groups is ramping up its efforts.

In May, Obst and Ayers founded Great America Committee, a political action committee to fund Pence’s political operation — an unusual step for a sitting vice president. Typically, vice presidents rely on their respective party committees for such functions. On Thursday, Great America Committee held a reception for prospectiv­e donors at the Washington offices of the powerful lobbying firm BGR.

America First Policies, a nonprofit required to spend the majority of its money on costs unrelated to partisan political campaigns, has in the meantime spun off a super PAC called America First Action that will have more legal flexibilit­y to directly advocate for the election of Trump’s allies and the defeat of his opponents. As a super PAC, America First Action is required to publicly disclose its donors, but America First Policies is not.

Katie Walsh, a senior adviser to America First Policies who has attended some of Pence’s dinners, said the group did not use the gatherings to prospect for donations.

Although Walsh said that some attendees “happen to support” groups backing the administra­tion, “a lot of those folks have never given to anything related to Trump or Pence, and are leaders of businesses and industries that have worked, and continue to work, with the administra­tion to get things done.”

Some dinner guests — including Andrew N. Liveris, chief executive of Dow Chemical, and Gregory J. Hayes, chairman and chief executive of United Technologi­es — have donated either primarily to Democrats or to a mix of Democrats and Republican­s.

Other guests — including hedge fund manager Griffin and investors Ronald Weiser of Michigan; Lewis Eisenberg of Florida and Doug Deason, Ray Washburne and Tom Hicks Jr., all of Texas — were significan­t donors or fundraiser­s for Trump’s campaign and the committees supporting it. Trump has since nominated Washburne to head the Overseas Private Investment Corp.

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