TO REGAIN MAJORITY, DEMOCRATS NEED TO GAIN 23 HOUSE SEATS
There are only nine Republican-held districts that voted more favorably for Democrats in the last two presidential elections than the rest of the country did. But that advantage doesn’t seem to be helping Republicans as much as it has in past cycles, when congressional election results were increasingly correlated with presidential results.
Instead, Democrats appear highly competitive in many conservative districts. Already, polls show Democrats ahead in Kentucky’s 6th District, West Virginia’s 3rd, North Carolina’s 9th, New York’s 22nd and Montana’s at-large district. Trump won each by at least 10 points.
One possibility is that Democrats are unexpectedly putting conservative districts into play because the overall national political environment is more favorable to Democrats than the generic ballot polls imply. Another possibility is that a district’s presidential vote choice will play a smaller than expected role in determining how a district will vote for the House.
Indeed, there aren’t many polls showing Democrats excelling in the well-educated districts where Clinton won. Polls sponsored by Democratic groups have shown Republicans leading in Illinois’ 6th, Pennsylvania’s 1st, Washington’s 8th and California’s 39th. Even in the well-educated districts where Democrats lead in recent polls, like Virginia’s 10th or California’s 48th and 49th, the polls show Democrats merely running even with Clinton.
This is an early stage of the race. But the overall pattern is fairly clear, and a similar pattern shows up in the special election results of the past year. Democrats have run far ahead of Clinton in white working-class areas that backed the president by a wide margin — for example, in Pennsylvania’s 18th District, where Conor Lamb won an election in March. They haven’t run so far ahead of Clinton in the areas where she excelled, like Georgia’s 6th District or Northern Virginia.
Recruitment could be part of the reason. Democrats succeeded in luring many of their longtime top recruiting targets into the race in a lot of white working-class districts. They haven’t typically done a great job finding top-tier candidates in districts that supported Clinton, in part because there are fewer elected Democratic officials to recruit in traditionally Republican areas where she excelled.
All of this could change by November, but the initial battleground map extends well beyond the districts she won in 2016.
The most vulnerable Republican-held districts are only somewhat better educated and somewhat more suburban than the country as a whole. They are broadly representative of nonurban America. They backed Trump. About 31 percent of residents have a college degree, slightly more than the national average.
The sheer number of competitive districts is important in its own right. On paper it would be enough to make the Democrats fairly clear favorites, if one assumes Democrats would do as well in each category as the party out of power has done in recent wave elections. The Cook Political Report currently rates 60 Republican-held districts as either “lean Republican” or better for Democrats. That’s the sort of number that provides ample opportunities for Democrats to find the 23-seat gain they need.
The number of competitive Republican-held seats is far greater than it was at this time in 2006, when Democrats had a more favorable political environment. Analysts then struggled to identify how Democrats were going to cobble together the mere 15 seats they needed for a majority. In the end, they gained 31.
In 2006 and 2010, a lot of seemingly noncompetitive seats came on the board late in the cycle. There could be fewer late surprises this time around: Democratic fundraising has made a lot of otherwise safe-seeming seats appear obviously competitive earlier in the cycle.
If there’s an upside for Republicans, it’s that the fight for control will often be fought in districts where the president won in 2016. Republicans can reasonably hope to gain in some of these districts once the campaigns get going and pull voters back into their traditional camps.
In other words, Republicans could hope to avert a big Democratic win by trying to make their advantage work as well for them as it has in recent elections. That would tend to lock Democrats into the disadvantageous playing field implied by recent presidential election results.
To do it, Republicans might try to play up the issues that defined Trump’s coalition, like immigration and trade.
That wound up being a bad trade for the Republicans in Virginia, a particularly well-educated state that voted for Clinton by 5 points. It could be a more useful option this fall, since the 60 most vulnerable Republican seats in total voted for Trump by 3 points.
With 96 days to go, whether Republicans can succeed with a strategy like this will probably determine whether we’ll have a fairly close fight for the House, as a lot of fundamentals-based analysis initially has suggested, or a clearer Democratic advantage.