Las Vegas Review-Journal

SPECIAL COUNSEL KEEPING STRATEGY CLOSE TO VEST

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York who have been scrutinizi­ng payments to two women to secure their silence before the 2016 election about affairs that they say they had with Trump. But even though Cohen has pleaded guilty in New York, legal experts say, Mueller can still call him to testify before the grand jury hearing evidence about the Russia investigat­ion.

As for Manafort, the former chairman of the Trump campaign, Mueller’s prosecutor­s built their case on two timeless and prosaic matters: greed and theft. They sketched a portrait of a man who raked in millions in foreign lobbying and tried every means he could to hide the income in offshore bank accounts to evade federal taxes.

What he did not pay in taxes, the prosecutor­s argued, he spent on cars and expensive clothes, even a $15,000 coat made of ostrich skin.

That the charges against Manafort had nothing to do with Russian interferen­ce in the election opened Mueller’s team to a barrage of attacks by Trump and his allies that the special counsel had embarked on a crusade to discredit the administra­tion.

But the fact that a jury returned a guilty verdict on eight counts bolsters the credibilit­y of the special counsel’s pursuit of Manafort’s financial crimes. Mueller was directed to investigat­e Moscow’s interferen­ce, possible coordinati­on by Trump associates and any other potential crimes he discovered along the way.

“The verdict highlights that the prosecutor­s are not engaged in a witch hunt. They aren’t engaged in fabricatin­g evidence of following shadows,” said Jimmy Gurulé, a professor at Notre Dame Law School. “It goes to the competency of the investigat­ion.”

Trump clearly believes otherwise, and on Tuesday, he tried to use the Manafort verdict as evidence of an overzealou­s team of biased prosecutor­s.

“It doesn’t involve me,” he said on the tarmac as he deplaned Air Force One in Charleston, W.VA., for a rally. “This has nothing to do with Russian collusion. This started as Russian collusion.” “It’s a disgrace,” he said.

Of all of Trump’s top advisers during the campaign, Manafort’s connection­s to Russian businessme­n and Russia-aligned politician­s ran the deepest. He earned tens of millions of dollars over several years in Ukraine bolstering the political fortunes of Viktor Yanukovych, the president at the time and an ally of President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Manafort did business with Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch, before a dispute over money ended the relationsh­ip.

One of Manafort’s close business associates in Kiev was Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian whom Mueller’s prosecutor­s have said had active ties to Russian intelligen­ce — including in 2016, when he was in contact with Manafort in the months before the presidenti­al election.

Manafort is set to face another trial in Washington next month, during which his relationsh­ip with Kilimnik is expected to be part of the government’s case. In indictment­s in that case, prosecutor­s have argued that Kilimnik and Manafort tried to influence the testimony of two witnesses.

Manafort’s conviction on Tuesday could, in theory, change his legal strategy before the next trial. Where Mueller and his team go next is an even bigger unknown. The special counsel’s office has made a practice of keeping government officials, legal experts and journalist­s guessing about the investigat­ion’s strategy.

Whether Cohen or Manafort end up directly aiding the Mueller investigat­ion, the courtroom dramas have — at the least — added fuel to the argument that a president who rose to power pledging to “drain the swamp” surrounded himself with a coterie of unscrupulo­us advisers.

“This doesn’t reflect positively on the president,” Gurulé said, understate­dly. “We’re talking about long-term criminal activity.”

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