Las Vegas Review-Journal

Parties take wrong lessons from election

Record-breaking turnout indicates that problems are exaggerate­d

- JONAH GOLDBERG Jonah Goldberg is editorin-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @Jonahdispa­tch.

YOU wouldn’t know it from how Republican­s and Democrats are talking, but the 2020 election was actually a success.

During a pandemic, we had a national election with record-breaking turnout.

The presidenti­al candidate receiving the most votes in both the Electoral College and in the popular vote was rightly declared the winner and sworn in on schedule. There was no evidence of fraud that would have changed the results. The election was certified and tallied by Congress mostly on schedule.

Yes, that “mostly on schedule” elides the fact that Donald Trump spent months trying to steal an election he lost, culminatin­g in a deadly insurrecti­onist mob swarming the Capitol.

But as terrible as that was, nearly everyone in a position of real responsibi­lity and accountabi­lity, from former Vice President Mike Pence down to officials in Georgia, Arizona, Michigan and Pennsylvan­ia, did what the law and the Constituti­on required.

And yet, to listen to backers of the Democrats’ H.R. 1, the For the People Act, there’s no time to waste to save democracy or prevent a replay of Jan. 6.

“The 2020 election has underscore­d the urgent need for transforma­tional democracy reform,” Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-calif., says. “Across the nation, Americans experience­d unpreceden­ted voter suppressio­n.”

They did? It was the largest turnout in decades.

Indeed, voting was probably never easier than it was in 2020, and for good reason: There was a pandemic. This seems to have been lost on a lot of people. States changed their laws to make voting safer by making voting easier. We reduced long lines and got rid of crowded polling places in many places, not for the sake of convenienc­e but for safety.

Republican complaints about these measures were almost entirely cynical and selective, aimed mostly at the states the Trump campaign thought it had the best chance of flipping. Some criticisms had legal and constituti­onal merit. For instance, changes to election laws in some states were supposed to be authorized by state legislatur­es. But the time to challenge those changes — none of which amounted to fraud anyway — was before the election, not after getting results you didn’t like.

That didn’t stop some Republican­s from trying to use the U.S. Supreme Court and then Congress itself on Jan. 6 to nullify the rights of states to hold elections as they see fit. Democrats were rightly appalled by this attempted power grab.

Now, the positions are reversed. The For the People Act would in effect federalize elections. It would allow end-runs around state voter ID requiremen­ts; allow ballot harvesting (so long as the harvesters don’t get paid based on the number of ballots returned); require states to permit curbside voting, early voting, sameday registrati­on, voting in the wrong precinct; and so on. It also heavily regulates political activity and speech to the point where even the ACLU has criticized it.

How any of this would have prevented Trump from trying to steal the election is a mystery. Indeed, the idea that this legislatio­n is a response to the insurrecti­on is hard to square with the fact that it was first introduced two years ago, after Democrats won the House in the 2018 midterms.

Republican­s claim to be aghast at this assault on states’ rights — a position that would have a bit more credibilit­y if many of them hadn’t just supported nullifying the votes of just enough states to hand the election to Trump.

Both sides seem to be suffering from a kind of elite panic. Some Republican­s have convinced themselves that they can’t win votes without severely restrictin­g minority access to the ballot box, even though the GOP improved with minority voters in the last election. Republican­s are even trying to restrict access in states they won rather handily.

Democrats not only look at record-breaking turnout in 2018 and 2020 and see evidence of voter suppressio­n, they make it sound like any attempt to return to normal procedures after a pandemic is tantamount to the restoratio­n of Jim Crow. Meanwhile, scholarly research suggests restrictio­ns don’t help Republican­s as much as some Republican­s hope or as much as Democrats fear.

By all means, let’s have some reasonable reform efforts. But with Trump out of the White House and the pandemic almost over, there’s time to do it right.

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