Las Vegas Review-Journal

Is hyperparti­sanship coming for corporate America?

- By David Gelles

The year is 2041, and Starbucks has real competitio­n. Black Rifle Coffee Co., the java brand favored by conservati­ves, has opened thousands of locations around the country.

Starbucks, whose longtime CEO Howard Schultz pioneered a new wave of liberal corporate activism in the early part of the century, still dominates the coffee scene in college towns and blue-state urban centers. But Black Rifle Coffee, now publicly traded with a $250 billion valuation, is flourishin­g in suburbs across the country and in cities large and small across the Deep South and Mountain West.

Online, the partisan rift is equally wide. Facebook has become essentiall­y a one-party site, a forum for conservati­ves — and occasional­ly for conspiracy theorists — to discuss the perils of immigratio­n and excessive government regulation. Snapchat has become the go-to social network for liberals to share videos calling for voting reform and raising taxes for social programs.

Even clothes have become fully politicize­d in 2041. As Americans sought for evermore obvious ways to flaunt their tribal allegiance­s, two brands that were previously middle-of-thepack retailers — Levi’s and Wrangler — have become corporate juggernaut­s. At Democratic rallies around the country, the red Levi’s logo is just as ubiquitous as red Make America Great Again hats were during the 2016 presidenti­al campaign. In Republican stronghold­s, Wrangler jeans are as common as Nike shoes.

This imagined future is not as far-fetched as it may seem. In recent years, major brands have become increasing­ly entangled in social and political debates and CEOS have become spokespeop­le for causes on the right and left. With few indication­s that the country will become any less polarized in the years ahead, it is perhaps inevitable that corporate America, like the electorate itself, splits into red and blue brands.

“This is permanentl­y part of the social context of business,” said Jeffrey Sonnenfeld, a professor at Yale’s School of Management who has helped chief executives formulate their responses to hot-button issues. “It’s the job of CEOS to elevate issues and explain how it matters to them.”

Brands have been tangled up with politics for decades of course. Pepsi and General Motors were among the companies to stop doing business in apartheid-era South Africa. IBM and Apple were among the first

companies to offer benefits to same-sex couples in the 1990s. Yet for the most part, corporatio­ns did their best to steer clear of the culture wars.

The 2016 election of Donald Trump changed all that. Trump’s positions on issues ranging from immigratio­n to race relations to climate change forced companies to make their positions clear. Oftentimes, under pressure from employees and customers, corporatio­ns broke with the president. After Trump equivocate­d in his response to an outburst of white nationalis­t violence in Charlottes­ville, Va., for example, two advisory councils stacked with prominent business leaders disbanded, with many of them repudiatin­g the president and his response.

More than four years of this dynamic finally led many senior Republican­s to begin pushing back against big business. This year, as companies rallied against restrictiv­e new voting laws being advanced by Republican­s around the country, Sen. Mitch Mcconnell of Kentucky told CEOS to stay in their lane.

“My warning, if you will, to corporate America is to stay out of politics,” he said in April. “It’s not what you’re designed for. And don’t be intimidate­d by the left into taking up causes that put you right in the middle of America’s greatest political debates.”

Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida posted a video in which he called companies speaking out against Republican laws “woke corporate hypocrites.”

And Stephen Miller, an adviser to Trump, said on Twitter that big businesses were “openly attacking sovereign U.S. states & the right of their citizens to secure their own elections,” in what he called “a corporate ambush on Democracy.”

There are some indication­s that executives are trying to disentangl­e themselves from politics. When Texas lawmakers passed a restrictiv­e abortion law this summer, few corporatio­ns spoke out on either side of the debate. Google, which three years ago stopped work on a Pentagon contract after an employee uprising, is quietly back in the bidding for defense work. Such developmen­ts suggest that a hyperparti­san future may not be the inevitable outcome for corporate America.

Yet for every example of companies trying to moderate their affiliatio­n with controvers­ial issues, there are new instance of chief executives wading deeper into political scuffles.

Last year, Goya Foods became a political lightning rod after its CEO, Robert Unanue, emerged as a vocal supporter of Trump. Some Latinos boycotted the brand, while Republican­s rallied around it.

John Schnatter, the founder of Papa John’s Internatio­nal, was ousted from the pizza chain he founded after uttering a racial slur on a corporate conference call. He recently called his exit from the company he started “a crucifixio­n,” blaming the “progressiv­e elite left” for his downfall.

Kenneth I. Chenault, the former CEO of American Express and one of the Black business leaders who led the corporate response to a wave of restrictiv­e voting rights laws this year, recently said that he was unmoved by calls for chief executives to stay out of politics and that he viewed it as his obligation to keep speaking out on issues he believed in.

“We can have partisan disagreeme­nt,” he said. “What we have to be aligned on as a country are what are the fundamenta­l values and principles that we are going to stand for.”

Determinin­g when to speak out and when to stay silent is one of the most fraught calculatio­ns for leaders these days. Keep quiet on a given issue, and impassione­d employees and customers might accuse the company of callousnes­s. Engage in a public debate about a partisan topic, and members of the opposing party may accuse the brand of playing politics.

“How do you determine what’s important to your stakeholde­rs?” said Tim Ryan, the U.S. chairman of PWC, the accounting and consulting firm. “They’re trying to figure that out. What’s important to my employees, customers and investors?”

Research shows that the public increasing­ly expects chief executives to speak out. Edelman, the public relations firm, routinely surveys people about the role of business in politics and this year found that 86% of respondent­s expect corporate leaders to publicly engage on major societal issues.

Yet as brands have found out all too often in recent years, doing so can lead to calls for boycotts, bruising battles on social media and distracted workforces.

When Coca-cola CEO James Quincey waded into the debate about a new voting law in Georgia, no one was satisfied. Democrats who opposed the legislatio­n accused Quincey of doing too little, too late; Republican­s who supported the new law were enraged when he said anything at all.

It was the kind of no-win situation executives try to avoid at all costs, and yet Quincey had little choice but to engage. Even before he spoke up, protesters in Atlanta were calling on the company to engage and social media was abuzz with questions about what Coca-cola, one of the city’s main employers, would do.

And while many corporate boycotts fizzle after a few news cycles, consumers are increasing­ly willing to vote with their dollars. Almost two-thirds of consumers globally are willing to support or shun companies because of their positions on political or social issues, according to Edelman.

There is always a chance that the political waters will calm down, that the toxic partisansh­ip gripping this country will abate, that Americans will find common cause in a new era of bipartisan comity. Should that unlikely developmen­t occur, corporatio­ns might be able to gracefully disentangl­e themselves from the redhot debates about the big issues of the day.

More likely is a world where CEOS and the companies they lead are more and more often affiliated with one party or the other. When Trump ran for reelection, news sites feverishly tracked which executives were supporting his campaign, and which had sided with Joe Biden. In the months since the Jan. 6 insurrecti­on at the U.S. Capitol, research groups have tracked which companies are donating to Republican­s who voted against certifying the Electoral College results.

Darren Walker, the CEO of the Ford Foundation and a director at several major companies, said that the shape that the future of chief executive activism takes may in some ways depend on who is in charge two decades from now. Greater diversity at the highest levels of the business world, Walker said, would almost certainly lead companies to take more forceful stands on issues that mattered to members of those communitie­s.

“If 20 years from now the Fortune 500 has dozens of people of color and women as CEOS,” he said, “if there are boards and committees that are diverse, I think it’s a resounding yes that corporatio­ns will be more engaged.”

 ?? DEMETRIUS FREEMAN / THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Darren Walker is chief executive of the Ford Foundation in New York. Major brands have become increasing­ly entangled in social and political debates. “If 20 years from now the Fortune 500 has dozens of people of color and women as CEOS, if there are boards and committees that are diverse, I think it’s a resounding yes that corporatio­ns will be more engaged,” Walker said.
DEMETRIUS FREEMAN / THE NEW YORK TIMES Darren Walker is chief executive of the Ford Foundation in New York. Major brands have become increasing­ly entangled in social and political debates. “If 20 years from now the Fortune 500 has dozens of people of color and women as CEOS, if there are boards and committees that are diverse, I think it’s a resounding yes that corporatio­ns will be more engaged,” Walker said.

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