Las Vegas Review-Journal

Judge’s handling of Trump case went from bad to horrible

- Harry Litman Harry Litman is a columnist for the Los Angeles Times.

As the judge presiding over the federal prosecutio­n of Donald Trump for hoarding classified records at his Florida estate, Aileen Cannon has consistent­ly indulged Trump’s far-fetched legal arguments and overall strategy of delay.

But her latest order confirmed that Cannon has truly crossed the line into running interferen­ce for the former president who put her on the bench.

The order, issued by Cannon this month, concerns one of Trump’s recurrent and baseless arguments for dismissal of the charges. His lawyers claim that the Presidenti­al Records Act gave him the power to reclassify any and all records as “personal” and that he did so through the mere act of putting them in the bankers boxes he had spirited away to Mar-a-lago.

This frivolous argument wouldn’t get anywhere in most federal courts. It’s a nonsensica­l reading of the act, which was designed to clarify that apart from a small set of personal possession­s such as diaries, presidenti­al records belong to the people rather than an outgoing president.

Moreover, the argument is beside the point. However the records Trump purloined are characteri­zed, it remains a crime under the Espionage Act to willfully retain national defense informatio­n, which the documents at the center of this case clearly are.

Cannon’s order instructs each side to submit two sets of proposed jury instructio­ns that “engage with” different legal conclusion­s about the records act. The problem is that both of the conclusion­s are directly contrary to the law.

Cannon’s first scenario supposes that a jury has to make a factual finding as to whether the government proved that the records are presidenti­al rather than personal. In other words, what if Trump’s contention that he magically transmogri­fied the classified documents into his personal property were a valid factual defense rather than a meritless claim?

The second scenario is even wackier in that it assumes a president has unreviewab­le authority to categorize records as personal. If the jury were so instructed, it would be tantamount to ensuring Trump’s acquittal.

Cannon’s order isn’t just legally nonsensica­l, it’s bizarre and pernicious.

It’s a completely loony way to address Trump’s motion to dismiss the case on the basis of the records law. Asking the parties to frame jury instructio­ns based on a legal fiction — indeed, a legal fantasy — months before a jury has been selected is perfectly surreal. I have never seen a remotely similar order.

Cannon started her rocky handling of the case with a similarly inexplicab­le ruling permitting Trump to challenge the search warrant served at Mar-a-lago. The 11th Circuit Court of Appeals reversed that ruling in terms sharp enough to raise the prospect that another such lawless misadventu­re could lead to the judge’s removal from the case.

That would dramatical­ly change the legal and political course of events. The classified records charges against Trump are so cut and dried that another judge could easily speed the case toward a likely and serious criminal conviction well before the November election.

That is where the pernicious aspect of Cannon’s order comes in. Even as the judge has helped Trump eat up the clock, she has studiously avoided issuing an order that could give special counsel Jack Smith’s team an opening to appeal and seek her recusal.

Her latest order is a case in point: It floats legal conclusion­s that could lead to a swift reversal and force her recusal, but it requires the parties only to “engage with” these lawless suppositio­ns, which doesn’t give an appellate court much to grab onto. In short, Cannon is making mischief in Trump’s favor while dodging appellate oversight.

Moreover, if Cannon allows Trump’s ridiculous legal claims to be recognized after a jury has been impaneled, the double jeopardy clause would likely preclude retrial.

Cannon may have hit upon a strategy that gives Trump the delay he wants and then dismisses the case once a jury has been sworn in — while never exposing herself to being reined in or forced off the case by the 11th Circuit.

All of which leaves Smith facing a tricky choice. He can adhere to the letter of the judge’s order and acquiesce in potentiall­y laying the groundwork to dismiss the case at an irremediab­le point. Or he can refuse to go along, risk Cannon’s ire and try to position the prosecutio­n to appeal if she actually does something reviewable.

It’s not an easy call — especially when the umpire seems to be playing for the other team.

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