Las Vegas Review-Journal

Prosecutor­s slam judge’s handling of Trump documents case

- By Alan Feuer

In an open display of frustratio­n, federal prosecutor­s Tuesday night told the judge overseeing former President Donald Trump’s classified documents case that a “fundamenta­lly flawed” order she had issued was causing delays and asked her to quickly resolve a critical dispute about one of Trump’s defenses — leaving them time to appeal if needed.

The unusual and risky move by the prosecutor­s, contained in a 24-page filing, signaled their mounting impatience with the judge, Aileen Cannon, who has allowed the case to become bogged down in a logjam of unresolved issues and curious procedural requests. It was the most directly prosecutor­s have confronted Cannon’s legal reasoning and unhurried pace, which have called into question whether a trial will take place before the election in November even though both sides say they could be ready for one by summer.

In their filing, prosecutor­s in the office of special counsel Jack Smith all but begged Cannon to move the case along and make a binding decision about one of Trump’s most brazen claims: that he cannot be prosecuted for having taken home a trove of national security documents after leaving office because he transforme­d them into his own personal property under a law known as the Presidenti­al Records Act.

The prosecutor­s derided that assertion as one “not based on any facts,” adding that it was a “justificat­ion that was concocted more than a year after” Trump left the White House.

“It would be pure fiction,” the prosecutor­s wrote, “to suggest that highly classified documents created by members of the intelligen­ce community and military and

presented to the president of the United States during his term in office were ‘purely private.’ ”

At a hearing last month in U.S. District Court in Fort Pierce, Fla., Cannon herself expressed skepticism about Trump’s assertion, saying it was most likely not enough to dismiss the case before it went to trial.

But then within days, she made a surprising move, ordering the former president’s lawyers and Smith’s prosecutor­s to send her proposed jury instructio­ns suggesting she was open to embracing the defense.

Her order sought language from both sides meant to help jurors understand how the Presidenti­al Records Act might affect the accusation that Trump had taken “unauthoriz­ed possession” of the documents he removed from the White House. For Trump to be found guilty under the Espionage Act, the central statute in his indictment, prosecutor­s will have to prove that the former president was not authorized to hold on to the more than 30 highly sensitive documents after he left office.

Cannon’s order for jury instructio­ns was odd on its face because such issues are usually hashed out on the eve of trial, and she has not set a trial date yet.

It was even stranger because by appearing to adopt Trump’s position on the Presidenti­al Records Act, the judge seemed to be nudging any eventual jurors toward acquitting Trump or even leaving open the possibilit­y that she could acquit the former president near the end of the proceeding by declaring that the government had failed to prove its case.

Hoping to forestall either situation, Smith’s prosecutor­s told Cannon in their filing Tuesday that the Presidenti­al Records Act had nothing to do with the case and that the entire notion of submitting jury instructio­ns based on it rested on a “fundamenta­lly flawed legal premise.”

Instead, they asked her to decide the validity of the Presidenti­al Records Act defense in a different way: by rejecting Trump’s motion to dismiss the case based on the same argument. That motion has been sitting on her desk for almost six weeks.

The prosecutor­s want Cannon to take that course of action, because any decision she makes on the motion to dismiss can be challenged in an appeals court. But if the case is allowed to reach the jury, any ruling she might make acquitting Trump cannot be appealed.

Almost from the moment she was assigned the case in June, Cannon, who was appointed by Trump in his waning days in office, has handled the proceeding in an unorthodox manner.

She has put off making several legal and logistical decisions. And she has spent time at hearings entertaini­ng a series of unusual arguments by Trump’s lawyers that many federal judges would have rejected out of hand.

The legal gamesmansh­ip she has encouraged over how to handle Trump’s Presidenti­al Records Act defense is all the more bizarre because the argument itself is legally dubious.

The act was put in place after the Watergate scandal not to permit presidents to unilateral­ly designate government documents — let alone those containing sensitive state secrets — as their own personal property, but precisely for the opposite reason: to ensure that most records from a president’s time in office remain in the possession of the government.

Moreover, Trump’s lawyers have never said he officially designated the documents in question as his own. Rather, they have claimed that the designatio­n can be inferred from the fact that he took them from the White House to Mar-a-lago, his private club and residence in Florida instead of sending them, as the government says he should have, to the National Archives.

The prosecutor­s told Cannon in their filing that they interviewe­d numerous high-ranking White House officials during their investigat­ion — including chiefs of staff, senior members of the White House Counsel’s Office, a national security adviser and top members of the National Security Council — and no one recalled Trump saying he had designated the records that ultimately wound up in the case as personal.

“To the contrary,” the prosecutor­s wrote, “every witness who was asked this question had never heard such a thing.”

The dispute about the Presidenti­al Records Act is only one of the many questions that Cannon has failed to resolve in the past few months. The delays could have a profound effect on the case: If it is pushed past the election and Trump wins, he could order his attorney general to simply dismiss the charges.

Cannon has so far not issued a ruling on a request made in January by Trump’s lawyers for additional discovery material about the prosecutio­n’s ties to the intelligen­ce community and other national security officials. The lawyers want that informatio­n to bolster their claims that members of the so-called deep state conspired to bring the case against Trump in an effort to sink his political campaign.

The judge is also sitting on a nearly 2-month-old request by Smith to permit redactions to be made to several of Trump’s own filings to protect the identities of witnesses who might testify for the government at trial. And she is still considerin­g a host of the former president’s pretrial motions to dismiss the case.

Should they run out of patience altogether, prosecutor­s could at some point file a motion asking Cannon to remove herself from the case. She would probably reject that effort, requiring the government to go over her head and make the same request to the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which sits above her.

Typically, recusal motions require prosecutor­s to point to flawed decisions. And so far, Cannon has largely avoided making decisions, complicati­ng any effort to get rid of her.

 ?? DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE VIA THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Document boxes line a bathroom and shower in the Lake Room at Mar-a-lago, former President Donald Trump’s residence and private club in Palm Beach, Fla. Special counsel Jack Smith is asking Judge Aileen Cannon to rule on Trump’s argument that bringing the documents to Mar-a-lago, instead of the National Archives, means they became his personal property.
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE VIA THE NEW YORK TIMES Document boxes line a bathroom and shower in the Lake Room at Mar-a-lago, former President Donald Trump’s residence and private club in Palm Beach, Fla. Special counsel Jack Smith is asking Judge Aileen Cannon to rule on Trump’s argument that bringing the documents to Mar-a-lago, instead of the National Archives, means they became his personal property.

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