Las Vegas Review-Journal

Trump’s big lie only hurt himself

- Mary Ellen Klas Mary Ellen Klas is a politics and policy columnist for Bloomberg Opinion and the former capital bureau chief for the Miami Herald.

Donald Trump’s takeover of the Republican Party has eviscerate­d the mail-in voting advantage party leaders spent two decades developing. Now, with the presidenti­al primary season nearing its end, we have evidence that GOP legislator­s’ efforts to appease their king by making it more difficult to vote by mail aren’t helping their party and are hurting him. So, I wonder: Is this all part of Trump’s endgame?

Before we get there, remember the 2022 Georgia Senate runoff, when Trump kept arguing that the election was rigged? Republican turnout dropped, and early and absentee ballots helped Democrats flip the seat with Raphael Warnock’s election.

Trump didn’t learn his lesson. He continues to denigrate mail-in voting and perpetuate conspiracy theories that voter fraud cost him the 2020 election.

Now, new research shows that Trump’s crusade against mail-in voting is backfiring. According to a study in the Election Law Journal by researcher­s at the Universiti­es of Florida and Alabama, the more voters embraced vote-by-mail in the primaries through mid-march, the worse Trump did.

In Vermont, for example, where all voters are automatica­lly sent a ballot to vote by mail, Nikki Haley defeated Trump, making it the only state she won outright before suspending her campaign. In Florida and North Carolina, two states that passed sweeping restrictio­ns on voting by mail after the 2020 election, Trump handily won the primaries but performed worse among voters who voted by mail than those who voted in person on Election Day. “Trump’s rhetoric undid the strength Republican­s enjoyed among male voters,’’ concludes Michael Mcdonald, a University of Florida political scientist and voting expert who authored the study.

Elections researcher­s have long shown that making it easier to vote by mail leads to higher voter turnout for both parties but confers no partisan advantage. In 11 red states where Republican legislator­s actively worked to discourage mail-in voting, the report found that mail voting declined, but so did turnout — to 17%. However, in California, Colorado, Vermont and Washington, where officials delivered ballots to every eligible voter in the presidenti­al primaries, and mail voting was widely accepted, researcher­s found that turnout rates rose, averaging just under 30%.

Political consultant­s know that getting voters to use mail-in ballots pays dividends because parties can bank the votes of high-propensity voters to avoid the risk of losing them due to bad weather, power outages, technology failures or other major disruption­s on Election Day. It also allows parties to use resources more efficientl­y — the sooner voters vote, the less often parties have to contact them again.

But here’s another irony: Research also shows that these reliable voters tend to be older, white, wealthier and, until now, more Republican than other voters. Trump’s claims that mail-in voting equates to fraud have been disproved by the facts and discarded by courts. While there have been some cases of fraud, it is rare and the checks in place simply do not allow for the kind of widespread fraud Trump invents.

It’s too soon to know if Trump’s mailin vote-bashing will make any difference in November. But it’s a remarkable about-face for Republican­s who for years made absentee balloting a potent weapon against Democrats, who were slow to adopt the practice.

After George W. Bush’s slim victory against Al Gore in 2000, Republican legislator­s across the country passed no-excuse absentee voting laws to encourage their voters to bank their votes early. They were so committed to the strategy that when red states adopted voter identifica­tion laws, they explicitly exempted mail voters because that’s where their voters were, Mcdonald said.

That all changed with Trump. In nearly every one of his campaign stump speeches, the former president claims that “you automatica­lly have fraud” when voters are allowed to vote by mail.

So why did Republican­s concede their long-held vote-by-mail advantage to accommodat­e Trump? Mcdonald traces the answer to the 2016 Colorado presidenti­al election, when Trump was behind Hillary Clinton in the polls and the state was launching its first all-mail election. Under this system, state officials delivered a ballot to every registered voter and implemente­d elaborate safety protocols before votes were tabulated.

In classic fashion, Trump derided the integrity of Colorado’s mail-in ballots by concocting a nefarious plot to justify his imminent loss to Clinton. His followers unleashed a host of conspiracy theories that continue today. Deriding mail-in voting and alleging unsubstant­iated claims of widespread vote fraud became part of the Trump brand.

Now, the assumption that all mail voting is fraudulent is so baked into the DNA of his supporters that even if Trump changed his mind and tried to persuade people it was a reliable way to vote, “people won’t believe him,’’ Mcdonald said.

Anyone who isn’t Trump might realize this poses a problem if you’re trying to retain reliable voters who like the convenienc­e of mail voting. Now-dethroned Republican Party Chair Ronna Mcdaniel last year launched a “Bank Your Vote” campaign in which Trump cut a video urging people to vote early and in person, avoiding any mention of voting by mail.

Data show that the strategy didn’t work very well. In Florida, GOP presidenti­al primary turnout in 2024 declined by more than 120,000 voters compared with the 2020 primary. The researcher­s found that the drop correspond­ed with the decline in mail-in ballots.

When Trump’s team took control of the party this month, The Washington Post reported that the “Bank Your Vote” campaign would be replaced by a “Grow The Vote” effort to draw new voters into the Republican Party. New hires also must pass a litmus test question that asks whether they believe the false claim that the 2020 election was stolen.

From this vantage point, Trump’s strategy looks illogical. He’s now banking primarily on a single day to get votes out, preemptive­ly declaring a large swath of the election system fraudulent and falsely claiming it is rigged. This signals to many supporters that their vote no longer matters, so why should they bother to vote?

It’s painful to consider, but this has all the signs of Trump trying to have it both ways. If he wins and undermines the integrity of the election system and the principles of liberal democracy in the process, he declares himself a dictator. If he loses, he does that same damage and what’s to stop him and his supporters from another insurrecti­on? It’s either ineptitude or part of a very devious plan.

 ?? TED S. WARREN / ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE (2021) ?? Two men stand armed with guns Jan. 6, 2021, in front of the Governor’s Mansion in Olympia, Wash., during a protest supporting then-president Donald Trump and against the counting of electoral votes in Washington, D.C.
TED S. WARREN / ASSOCIATED PRESS FILE (2021) Two men stand armed with guns Jan. 6, 2021, in front of the Governor’s Mansion in Olympia, Wash., during a protest supporting then-president Donald Trump and against the counting of electoral votes in Washington, D.C.

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