Lodi News-Sentinel

Corporate vs. government scandals

- Omar Al-Ubaydli is the program director for internatio­nal and geo-political studies at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, Internatio­nal and Energy Studies and an affiliated senior research fellow with the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. Readers

Recent U.S. presidenti­al administra­tions are cultivatin­g quite the reputation for scandal, with Donald Trump’s perceived conflicts of interest, Barack Obama’s seemingly unbounded surveillan­ce program or George W. Bush’s controvers­ial justificat­ion for invading Iraq. Corporate scandals, meanwhile — think a United Airlines passenger being assaulted, exploding Samsung telephones or Bernie Madoff — can arouse similar, or sometimes even greater, public outrage. Yet between a typical political scandal and a garden-variety corporate one, the latter is generally the lesser of two evils.

Many frustrated U.S. citizens feel unable to hold the politician­s responsibl­e for government scandals accountabl­e. Voting them out of office is an incredibly coarse — and mild — punishment mechanism, while the congressio­nal committees convened to investigat­e misdemeano­rs have devolved into teams of partisan finger waggers.

Not to be outdone, corporate America has excelled in inexcusabl­e acts of immorality. British Petroleum’s oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, Enron’s fraudulent accounting and the credit rating agencies’ manipulati­on of credit assessment­s prior to 2008 all demonstrat­e human fallibilit­y and the inadequacy of the systems meant to prevent such missteps.

Assuming we don’t want to expend every ounce of our mental energy being angry at so many deserving targets, how do we prioritize? Two key difference­s suggest, given the choice, we should probably focus on the politician­s:

First, in the private sector, when most organizati­ons become embroiled in a scandal, we consumers can take our business to a competitor. If you were among those outraged by Volkswagen fraudulent­ly manipulati­ng its emissions reporting, you can effortless­ly boycott the German vehicle manufactur­er in favor any one of the dozens of competing manufactur­ers.

Second, on the rare occasion when the scandalous company is a monopoly — and no competitor can service our demand — we usually retain the option of simply opting out. If you are disgusted by how the NFL handles domestic violence issues, or by the corruption in soccer’s governing body, FIFA, you may be frustrated by the fact that there is no comparable replacemen­t on the market. However, you don’t have to support either one.

In contrast, for many government services such as law enforcemen­t, there is no real alternativ­e. Even when there is a viable commercial competitor, such as in education, you cannot get your money back when you decline the government option.

In principle, eliminatin­g competitio­n and choice should result in poorer performanc­e, including unsatisfac­tory responses to scandals when they erupt. Corporate America’s cold-hearted pursuit of profits in a competitiv­e marketplac­e means that they genuinely want to avoid scandals in the first place. If one does arise, it’s in their best interests to deal with it in a manner that satisfies consumers.

Those that fail to heed the warnings suffer serious commercial consequenc­es. We remember the anger Enron generated, but it’s easier to forget that the company’s abhorrent practices led to its bankruptcy.

Privacy concerns illustrate the difference between corporate and government responses to accusation­s of unethical conduct. Facebook and Google have been severely criticized for opaque data policies, including accusation­s of invasions of privacy. Both responded and now provide far superior levels of transparen­cy. The threat of either internet goliath losing customers to Microsoft or Snapchat has made them take the criticism seriously, rather than arrogantly dismissing it. They are likely to take consumers’ remaining concerns seriously as well.

And what about the government’s response to accusation­s of invading citizens’ privacy with excessive surveillan­ce?

What evidence of reform by the organizati­ons accused of acting improperly have we seen? The federal response to National Security Agency revelation­s has been geared more toward preventing future leaks than reassessin­g whether they are oversteppi­ng boundaries.

Admittedly, it’s difficult to conceive of a decentrali­zed, competitio­n-based alternativ­e to the current systems of national defense and security, unlike the social media services that Facebook, Google and others provide. Instead, the public must be vocal as a watchdog and demand internal reform when necessary.

This is the price of public schools and universiti­es, transporta­tion, clinics, and all of the services for which we voluntaril­y cede the benefits of competitio­n in the marketplac­e. Minimizing scandals, and ensuring a satisfacto­ry response to those that do occur, cannot happen unless we provide a viable replacemen­t for profit and loss in a competitiv­e environmen­t.

As Americans grow increasing­ly disenchant­ed with the political process, the importance of public engagement in it is at an all-time high. And perhaps taking some of the power out of the hands of policymake­rs can be more effective than simply waiting until the next election.

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