Lodi News-Sentinel

Newsom seeks attention with budget

- DAN WALTERS CalMatters is a public interest journalism venture committed to explaining how California’s state Capitol works and why it matters. For more stories by Dan Walters, go to calmatters.org/commentary

Gavin Newsom is, to use an old-fashioned term, a show-off, someone who constantly seeks attention with extravagan­t depictions of what he’s done or wants to do.

Sometimes it works out — as it did when he was mayor of San Francisco and he defied state law to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

Sometimes it doesn’t. Whatever happened to that campaign promise that as governor he would build 3.5 million new housing units?

If anything, the recall campaign to drive him from office has made Newsom’s incessant boasting even louder, with last week’s campaign-like rollout of a revised 2021-22 budget a full-throated display of bravado.

Although Newsom’s pandemic shutdown orders triggered a severe recession, throwing millions out of work, by happenstan­ce, the state also saw an unpreceden­ted surge of tax revenues, tens of billions of extra dollars.

High-income California­ns, who are the biggest source of taxes, saw their investment­s soar as the Federal Reserve’s loose money policies inflated asset values, particular­ly stocks, and the state is reaping a cornucopia of revenues from that phenomenon.

Newsom announced that the budget had a $75.7 billion surplus and with another $26 billion in unanticipa­ted federal pandemic aid, he could propose a “$100 billion California Comeback Plan.” It’s new spending on everything from direct payments to low- and moderate-income families to expanded child care and school aid, water supply, an expensive assault on homelessne­ss, and help for small business.

Newsom unveiled major pieces of the plan in personal appearance­s around the state, each time portraying it as transforma­tional, or even revolution­ary, in scope with himself in the starring role.

He capped the week on Friday by introducin­g the full, $267.8 billion budget, in which he repeatedly re-emphasized its uniquely expansive nature.

In some measure, the budget and its elaboratel­y staged, week-long rollout were clearly aimed at blunting the recall campaign, pointedly providing benefits to myriad economic and cultural groups with his personal imprimatur.

However, he’s actually in little danger of being ousted, recent polls indicate.

There were other implied motives, such as seizing the opportunit­y to once again draw attention to himself by saying and/or doing headlinegr­abbing things, this time with a progressiv­e agenda of services and programs that goes beyond anything found anywhere else in the country.

“This is a generation­al budget,” Newsom said at the close of his 1 1/2hour piece-by-piece presentati­on. “This is an historic, transforma­tional budget. This is not a budget that plays small ball. We’re not playing in the margins. We are not trying to fail more efficientl­y.”

However, while the budget’s new provisions include items that those on the left have been pushing for years, such as universal child care and pre-kindergart­en, it raises a question about how they will be financed when the federal money dries up and the current revenue bubble bursts. By creating new entitlemen­ts, the budget sets the stage for future battles over tax increases to finance their continuati­on.

Finally, it rekindles speculatio­n about Newsom’s future, assuming that he beats the recall and wins a second term next year, both of which are highly likely. A run for the White House has always appeared to be Newsom’s end game, but when Joe Biden won the presidency last year — and California­n Kamala Harris became vice president — his 2024 pathway was blocked.

Newsom’s move into national politics could be a run for the U.S. Senate in 2024, assuming Dianne Feinstein does not seek re-election, which seems to be increasing­ly probable. A new Berkeley IGS poll found that just 35% of California voters approve of her performanc­e.

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