Lodi News-Sentinel

Who should get online sales taxes?

- DAN WALTERS

While 1% may not sound like much, if it’s 1% of $700 billion, it’s a lot of money to anyone not named Bezos, Gates or Buffet.

California­ns spend roughly that much each year on taxable goods, everything from chewing gum to earthmovin­g equipment, and sales taxes can run as high as 10%.

It’s a major source of revenue for the state, surpassed only by income taxes, and a mainstay for city and county budgets, which are guaranteed a 1% cut or about $7 billion a year in unrestrict­ed income.

The rub comes when authoritie­s allocate the 1% among those local government­s.

For decades, the local share went to the jurisdicti­on in which the sale occurred, a doctrine known as “situs.” It encouraged local officials to maximize retail businesses, such as auto malls and shopping centers, often using — or misusing — their redevelopm­ent powers to subsidize revenue-generating developmen­ts.

The advent of internet shopping from online sites such as eBay and digital powerhouse­s such as Amazon changed the game dramatical­ly.

If a California­n orders a taxable item from Amazon or Walmart and has it shipped from a warehouse, who gets the 1% local government share of the sales tax?

It often goes to the local government of the buyer, but increasing­ly, big online sellers have been making deals with the communitie­s in which their warehouses are located. The sellers funnel all of the local sales taxes into those communitie­s and then receive rebates of those taxes — as much as 80% in some instances.

Two years ago, Sen. Steve Glazer, a Democrat from Orinda and a former mayor of that suburban community, carried a bill to prohibit sales tax kickbacks, arguing that they unfairly deprive other local government­s of revenues.

However, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 531, declaring that rebates are “an important local tool that captures additional economic activity, particular­ly in rural and inland California cities that continue to face significan­t economic challenges like high unemployme­nt rates.”

This year, Glazer takes a milder approach with Senate Bill 792, which would require that the local tax sharing agreements be disclosed. The bill has cleared the Senate and is pending in the Assembly.

Meanwhile, rural counties are complainin­g that one online seller is trying to retroactiv­ely funnel sales taxes back to its warehouse sites rather than continuing to provide them to the communitie­s where its customers live.

“This large online retailer has delivery vans constantly crisscross­ing our county and wearing out our roads,” El Dorado County Auditor-Controller Joe Harn told county supervisor­s.

“It is only fair and reasonable that our community receive some tax revenue to compensate us.”

Harn could not identify the seller due to confidenti­ally laws, but his reference to delivery vans hinted strongly at Amazon, the nation’s dominant online seller with more than a dozen warehouses, dubbed “fulfillmen­t centers,” up and down the state.

Online sales had been growing rapidly even before COVID-19 struck, but they exploded after Newsom issued stay-athome orders to battle the pandemic and seem destined to grow even more as brick-and-mortar stores shrink.

Thus, the issue of sales tax allocation becomes even more pressing.

The sales tax itself is an anachronis­m, since it applies only to physical objects such as autos, appliances and clothing. It’s also riddled with loopholes and exempts services that capture an ever-growing share of consumer spending. The flap over sales tax allocation is merely another anomaly.

It cries out for some fundamenta­l rethinking on the role of sales taxes in an ever-changing 21st century economy, but Capitol politician­s have been so far unwilling to undertake that chore.

CalMatters is a public interest journalism venture committed to explaining how California’s state Capitol works and why it matters. For more stories by Dan Walters, go to calmatters.org/commentary

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