Los Angeles Times (Sunday)

Vote yes on Propositio­n 15

The measure to update business property assessment­s is a step toward fixing the state tax code.

- Barbara Carlton El Cajon Norman Rodewald Mark C. Salvaggio Jeffrey Teets Larry Furman Woodland Hills

Propositio­n 15 is arguably the most consequent­ial measure facing California voters on the Nov. 3 ballot. By creating a “split-roll” system that taxes commercial and industrial property differentl­y from homes, it would transfer as much as $11.5 billion annually from businesses to local government­s and schools.

There are two ways to look this measure. The first is through a filter of fear.

How can we even contemplat­e imposing a heavier tax burden on businesses at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic has forced some to shut down and when the fires, heat waves and epic air pollution have caused people to wonder if it is time to flee California for good? (Although, as former Gov. Jerry Brown quipped recently, “Where are you going to go?”)

The other way that one could, and we argue should, view Propositio­n 15 is through a lens of hope.

At long last there is a tangible fix in sight for one of California’s most intractabl­e problems: a wildly unfair and lopsided property tax system that for four decades has starved local government­s of the revenue they need to provide services and that has distorted the cost of buying a house and starting a business, to the detriment of young families and entreprene­urs.

It’s not a complete fix, but a crucial first step to undo some of the damage wrought by Propositio­n 13, the 1978 “tax revolt” initiative that rolled back property taxes in California and capped them at 1% of the purchase price, with annual increases in the assessed value limited to 2%.

Local government­s and school districts rely on property tax revenue to pay for services like street repair, law enforcemen­t and classroom instructio­n. After Propositio­n 13 passed, property tax payments dropped by about 60%.

They’ve been struggling to catch up ever since.

Indeed, much of what ails California — crumbling roads, under-resourced schools and inadequate social services — can be traced to Propositio­n 13 and related anti-tax measures. Propositio­n 13 also shifted the local tax burden, as cities, counties and school districts increasing­ly turned to other levies, now under Propositio­n 13. The losers would be the companies that have enjoyed artificial­ly low property taxes simply because they had the good fortune to purchase land earlier than their competitor­s — or because they’ve managed to exploit loopholes that allow them to avoid paying their fair share. Schemes such as structurin­g purchases to give each partner less than a 49% interest in the purchased property allow businesses to skirt reassessme­nt. Propositio­n 15 would effectivel­y eliminate these loopholes.

Opponents of the measure, which include taxpayer groups and state business associatio­ns, say that Propositio­n 15 would devastate businesses and lead to massive jobs losses, shuttered restaurant­s and stores, and higher prices for consumers. The proponents counter that it is only a small percentage of large property owners who will be hit up with new tax bills and that the protection­s built into Propositio­n 15 will shield small business from harm.

We’re skeptical of both arguments. Not all businesses would be impacted, only those that haven’t changed hands recently. At the same time, it’s disingenuo­us to suggest that commercial landlords wouldn’t pass through costs to the businesses that lease space, or that exempting property worth less than $3 million is a major concession in this hot real estate market.

The price tag

There’s no way of getting around the fact that Propositio­n 15 would have substantia­l costs, likely in the form of job losses, higher prices for consumers and steeper monthly costs for businesses that rent space. It may also discourage investment in commercial and manufactur­ing properties that would be subject to a larger tax increase than could be offset by the proposed $500,000 exemption for business personal property.

But we support Propositio­n 15 because we believe it would ultimately create more winners than losers. Not only would it raise desperatel­y needed money for public services, it would create a more competitiv­e business environmen­t and keep California on the innovative edge.

Currently, new start-ups must compete with companies that are subject to the same market forces for products and services, but the start-ups have to pay substantia­lly higher land purchase costs and annual property taxes. Propositio­n 15 would narrow that gap. And if the split roll went into effect, it’s possible that some businesses whose incomes dip as a result of higher taxes may even see their assessed valuation decrease, because business income can be a factor in determinin­g how much the property is worth.

Propositio­n 15 may even lead to more job opportunit­ies, and not just for the many new commercial property appraisers that counties will need to hire. An analysis of the split-roll tax proposal commission­ed by the California Tax Foundation estimates that after initial losses, there may be potential net gain of 20,000 new public and private sector jobs due to increased government spending. However, the study was completed before the pandemic forced business shutdowns, so that may have changed possible outcomes.

And while the opponents also say the measure will lead to higher prices on everything from food to healthcare to the cost of a Disneyland ticket, spreading out the cost so the burden falls more broadly on California­ns is actually a selling point of Propositio­n 15. More revenue for government services benefits everyone.

Even so, it’s not clear that the measure would cause prices to go up. A group of economists supporting the split-roll measure contends that supply and demand are the primary drivers of prices, and that a higher property tax is more likely to reduce profits than lead to price increases.

A gradual phase-in

In any case, the effects of Propositio­n 15 wouldn’t be felt right away, which should reduce concerns about squeezing businesses that are currently struggling with government-ordered shutdowns to slow the spread of COVID-19 (a condition that has also produced a number of business winners and losers). The reassessme­nts wouldn’t begin until 2022 at the earliest, and even then would likely be rolled out in phases through 2025 so that not all properties would be affected in the same year.

Also, the measure empowers the Legislatur­e to delay implementa­tion as needed, and it probably would be needed in Los Angeles County, which would have to hire 500 additional commercial appraisers to undertake such a massive new responsibi­lity.

Propositio­n 15 would begin to pave the way toward a fairer tax system and provide the means to start rebuilding the foundation of a once-great state whose glory has been fading over the last 42 years. In these dark times, it’s tough to imagine that there can be a bright future ahead for California. It’s possible, but only if we act without fear today.

Be fearless. Vote yes on Propositio­n 15.

THE FRONT PAGE of The Times on Nov. 9, 1994.

The Republican Party is not capable of reaching out to Latino voters in any real way because that is antithetic­al to its one remaining core principle, which is to keep power in this country in the hands of white people.

That’s what “law and order” means: violently suppressin­g nonwhite demands for justice and an end to systemic racism. It most certainly does not mean suppressin­g violent white power protests.

White Power. That’s all they’ve got left, folks. That’s your Republican Party.

No other vision for governing. No clue about how to address the massive existentia­l challenges we face in this century.

They shouldn’t even call themselves the Republican Party any more. Really, they’re just the “Party of Whatever Garbage Trump Tweeted This Morning.”

::

Kurt Bardella repeats the myth of Pete Wilson’s ghost as the California GOP’s problem.

With a two-thirds majority required to pass the state budget, year after year our state has suffered because of Republican minority blockage. If a Republican dared cross the line to support passage, party purists would support a primary challenger, thus ensuring that moderates would leave the party.

In frustratio­n, Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzene­gger supported two initiative­s — top-two primary candidates go to the general election, and a citizen redistrict­ing commission — to allow more moderate voices. The anger at the decade of Republican purity and minority blockage of consensus governance, however, turned these two initiative­s into a Republican “off ” switch.

Don’t blame Pete Wilson, who has been gone for more than 20 years. Blame 10 years of ideologica­l purity over governance.

Moorpark forcibly relocating them to internment camps.

I have a friend in Hanford who suffered in one of those camps in Arkansas. As a young girl, her family was uprooted and hauled off there.

Barr needs an American history lesson.

::

I understand that Barr believes the use of fire hoses on civil rights marchers in ’65 was to prevent spontaneou­s combustion.

::

Bakersfiel­d

Lakewood

Memo to Bill Barr: Indeed, you were appointed by the president. However, we the people did not elect you. Therefore, your “responsibi­lity” is not “ultimate.”

“Ultimate” responsibi­lity rests with the president alone. And we the people will hold him accountabl­e for your behavior.

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