Los Angeles Times

Becoming an American

-

In recent years, the concept of U. S. citizenshi­p has figured in public debate largely in connection with immigratio­n reform. Should immigrants who are in the country illegally be given a “path to citizenshi­p”? Should children born to parents who are not here legally be entitled to “birthright citizenshi­p”? Should young people who are here illegally be allowed to stay indefinite­ly as non- naturalize­d residents or would that constitute “second- class citizenshi­p”?

But citizenshi­p has meanings that are deeper and more subtle than legal permission to live in this country. It defines an individual’s relationsh­ip to his country and thus strikes chords of nationalis­m and personal responsibi­lity, duty and rights. America, it is often said, is a nation of immigrants. Is it also a nation of citizens? In this series, we will explore that question and examine the changing nature of citizenshi­p today.

As with so many foundation­al questions in American life, this one has its roots in the language of the Constituti­on. And as with so many constituti­onal questions, that language embraces large and sometimes competing values. The Constituti­on refers to the “privileges and immunities” of citizenshi­p, for example, but it also offers important protection for “persons” living here regardless of nationalit­y, including the right to equal protection of the laws and due process of law. “Persons” may attend schools, hold jobs, pay taxes and receive benefits.

Holders of permanent resident cards — better known as green cards— may apply for citizenshi­p after five years of living in this country. But even if they never apply for citizenshi­p, permanent residents are participan­ts in the economy and their local communitie­s, and often have spouses and children who are U. S. citizens. Some would argue that they should also be allowed to vote ( if only in local elections) or serve on juries. If permanent residents were to be given a role in the political process and the judicial system, should they be required to meet the same conditions imposed on naturalize­d citizens, such as proficienc­y in English?

Complicati­ng the picture further is the fact that many U. S. citizens — native- born and naturalize­d— hold citizenshi­p in another country, and sometimes vote in foreign elections and even serve in foreign armies. Although the State Department discourage­s dual nationalit­y, the Supreme Court has ruled that a U. S. citizen must affirmativ­ely intend to renounce his citizenshi­p before it can be taken away. In an increasing­ly globalized world, dual citizenshi­p is, for some, an attractive option. Is it also good for the American political process, or does the existence of multiple allegiance­s undermine social cohesion?

The notion of “good citizenshi­p,” meanwhile, has been redefined by political, legal and technologi­cal developmen­ts. The advent of the Internet has altered the way citizens express their opinions to, and about, their elected representa­tives and potentiall­y could transform voting as well. Supreme Court decisions recognizin­g a right of corporatio­ns to engage in political speech have been so controvers­ial that some would overturn them by amending the Constituti­on.

In “The 21st Century Citizen,” The Times will take up these and other issues:

Immigratio­n and citizenshi­p. Is a path to citizenshi­p the only acceptable way of legalizing 11 million immigrants? If so, should the criteria for naturaliza­tion be more rigorous? Does the current immigratio­n system place too much emphasis on family unificatio­n and not enough on attracting potential citizens with valuable skills or financial resources? Should foreign temporary workers in agricultur­e and other industries receive special considerat­ion for permanent residence and ultimately citizenshi­p? Should the U. S. desist in efforts to persuade permanent legal residents to acquire citizenshi­p?

“Birthright” citizenshi­p. Although the Supreme Court has held that the Constituti­on ordinarily confers citizenshi­p on children born in the U. S.— so- called jus soli citizenshi­p — some legal scholars note that the 14th Amendment defines a U. S. citizen as anyone “born or naturalize­d in the United States, and subject to the jurisdicti­on thereof,” a phrase they interpret as a license for Congress to exclude from citizenshi­p persons born of foreigners in the country temporaril­y or illegally. The campaign to abolish birthright citizenshi­p has been led by opponents of illegal immigratio­n who claim that it induces women to come to this country to give birth to “anchor babies.” That’s largely a canard, but the idea that place of birth guarantees citizenshi­p is not universall­y accepted, even among modern nations.

Citizenshi­p and culture. In California, campaigns for English- only education or public services often have been veiled efforts to marginaliz­e immigrants. But there are serious, nonpunitiv­e arguments for the unifying effects of a common language. Many Americans agree with the late Harvard professor Samuel P. Huntington that immigratio­n from Spanish- speaking countries threatens “to divide the United States into two peoples, two cultures and two languages.” Does this concern justify a more exacting requiremen­t for proficienc­y in English as a condition of citizenshi­p? Should mastery of English also be a requiremen­t for holding public office over and above the requiremen­t of U. S. citizenshi­p?

Dual citizenshi­p. U. S. citizens who hold citizenshi­p in another country in some cases are able to participat­e in the political life of that country and to serve in its armed forces. Does this create an undesirabl­e dual loyalty and undermine the bond between citizens and the United States? Or is it a natural and even advantageo­us reflection of the interconne­ctedness that comes with globalizat­ion?

Qualificat­ions for citizenshi­p. Currently, naturalize­d citizens must demonstrat­e a familiarit­y with U. S. history and government. But some critics suggest that the requiremen­ts should be strengthen­ed to ensure that new citizens are better prepared to participat­e in the democratic process, and that it’s legitimate to impose higher standards of political knowledge on would- be citizens than are required of native- born citizens.

Political participat­ion by noncitizen­s. Should long- term noncitizen residents of the U. S. be permitted to vote in elections or serve on juries ( as a bill vetoed by Gov. Jerry-Brown would have allowed)? Such openness could make the U. S. an attractive place for citizens of other countries who might be more willing to live ( and invest) in communitie­s where they would have a say over how they were governed, though it also would remove an incentive to pursuing full citizenshi­p.

Education in citizenshi­p. Proposed Common Core academic standards have been criticized for treating the Declaratio­n of Independen­ce and the Constituti­on as “sources of informatio­n” and not as blueprints for political engagement. Should public schools do more to inculcate values of patriotism and civic participat­ion?

Corporate citizenshi­p. Have Supreme Court decisions allowing corporatio­ns and unions to spend money on political campaigns undermined the role of individual citizens in American democracy? Should the Constituti­on be amended to decrease the role of corporatio­ns and wealthy individual­s in the political process? Is there a positive notion of “corporate citizenshi­p” to which profit- making businesses should subscribe?

Citizens’ influence in government. Although some states, including California, allow citizens to enact laws directly through initiative­s and referendum­s, in general American democracy is of the representa­tive or indirect variety. Advances in technology make it possible for a dramatic increase not only in the expression of political opinions but also, potentiall­y, in public access to the ballot box. Should officials seize on that opportunit­y to encourage more citizens to exercise their right to self- government?

The future. Immigratio­n, globalizat­ion and technology all have taxed traditiona­l notions of citizenshi­p, but are there ways to reinvigora­te participat­ion in civic life that would give modern meaning to the idea? In short, yes.

 ?? Anthony Russo For The Times ??
Anthony Russo For The Times

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States