Los Angeles Times

The logic of deportatio­n

If we are to be a nation of laws, would-be immigrants who lose bids for asylum can’t stay in the U.S.

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Reports out of Washington suggest that the Obama administra­tion is planning to sweep up and deport hundreds of families whose applicatio­ns for asylum or some other form of permission to remain in the country were rejected by immigratio­n courts. Immigratio­n rights advocates have begun rallying in opposition, arguing that it is inhumane for the government to send back to Central America — the source of many of the cases — people who have fled violence and crime-ridden neighborho­ods for a chance at a better future for themselves and their children.

It’s hard to argue with that logic, but it is based on a flawed premise. To not deport those whom an immigratio­n judge has ruled ineligible to remain in the country is to throw over any notion of enforceabl­e immigratio­n law. And that is an indefensib­le position.

We share some of the concerns that have been raised about the fairness of the immigratio­n court system. It is understaff­ed, and judges carry excessivel­y high caseloads. Studies have found that petitioner­s who have a lawyer at their elbow stand a much better chance of winning permission to stay than those without lawyers, largely because of the arcane and confusing nature of immigratio­n law itself. Immigratio­n cases typically are civil proceeding­s, and although those facing deportatio­n have a right to counsel, they do not have a right to one paid for by the government, unlike criminal defendants. So those without means to hire an attorney are at the mercy of the pro bono immigratio­n bar, which is just as overextend­ed as the judges. In that scenario, it’s likely that some people who have a legitimate right to asylum wind up getting deported anyway, a regrettabl­e turn of events.

But that shortcomin­g is an argument for a more robustly funded immigratio­n courts, not an excuse to turn the system on its ear and not enforce a lawful order from an immigratio­n judge.

There is no doubt that the U.S. immigratio­n system is in shambles. More than 11 million people are living here illegally, but most have been here for so long they are deeply entwined in our economy and our neighborho­ods. To deport them all — a popular mantra from the nativist right during this presidenti­al election cycle — would tear apart families and communitie­s. It also would be prohibitiv­ely expensive, requiring billions of dollars in added enforcemen­t capacity and causing billions of dollars in losses to the economy. The better approach would be for Congress to stop using illegal immigratio­n as a boogeyman and start crafting meaningful reforms that would include a path to citizenshi­p for those who have put down roots and been responsibl­e members of society, while stiffening the government’s ability to enforce borders and track down people who overstay visas.

The current wave of asylum-seekers raises some particular­ly vexing questions. The U.S. has a long and occasional­ly problemati­c history in Central America, and bears some moral culpabilit­y for the criminal gangs that relocated from U.S. cities, including Los Angeles, to thrive in urban neighborho­ods of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador. The U.S. also is the main market for the illicit drug trade that helps many of those gangs flourish.

The solution to those issues, though, isn’t to allow entry to the U.S. for anyone able to reach the U.S. border after fleeing a dangerous neighborho­od in Tegucigalp­a or San Salvador. Those who face legally articulate­d persecutio­n — usually based on religion, political beliefs or other recognized classes of special victimizat­ion — should be granted asylum if U.S. immigratio­n courts say they are eligible.

The government has both the right and the responsibi­lity to determine who gets to enter the country, and who gets to stay as legal residents with the possibilit­y of eventual naturalize­d citizenshi­p. Openness to immigratio­n has been a defining aspect of American history, and one of the nation’s strengths. Still, we have to expect the government to follow through on legal processes that have been completed. When the courts reject arguments that individual migrants have a right to stay, the government is correct in targeting them for removal. To do otherwise not only erodes the sense that we are a nation ruled by laws, but it also serves as an encouragem­ent for others who think gaining entry to the U.S. is as simple as showing up and saying, “Let me in.” That only exacerbate­s our illegal immigratio­n problem.

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