Los Angeles Times

Grass-roots movement grows in Afghanista­n

Ethnic Hazaras, calling themselves the Enlighteni­ng, seek more representa­tion.

- By Shashank Bengali shashank.bengali @latimes.com Special coresponde­nt Sultan Faizy contribute­d to this report.

KABUL, Afghanista­n —Two years after assuming power, Afghanista­n’s flailing, U.S.-brokered unity government is facing a growing challenge from the biggest grass-roots protest movement since the fall of the Taliban in 2001.

Calling themselves the Enlighteni­ng, members of the Hazara ethnic minority have mobilized several mass demonstrat­ions against what they say is systematic discrimina­tion by President Ashraf Ghani’s government. They want more economic developmen­t and a greater share of positions in the Cabinet, ambassador corps and military.

Organizers called off a protest planned for this week in Kabul and agreed to begin talks with the government, averting a possibly tense showdown as the government marks its second anniversar­y Thursday.

With security in Kabul increasing­ly fragile, United Nations and civil society representa­tives persuaded Enlighteni­ng leaders to cancel.

“Given the security challenges, we can’t reach our goals only by continuing protests,” said Sultan Haidari, 36, an activist in Kabul. “There are ways to achieve our demands through talks .... I think more protests will be the last option.”

But the group said it would resume demonstrat­ions if the negotiatio­ns fail.

The Afghan government said in a statement that it “respected the civil movements and [is] ready for any discussion­s about demands that have been considered by the people.”

The last time the group took to the streets of Kabul, two months ago, twin explosions killed more than 80 people and wounded hundreds. The Islamic State group claimed responsibi­lity, saying the attack targeted Shiite Muslims; most Hazaras are Shiite. Enlighteni­ng leaders say the government has failed to launch a proper investigat­ion.

Another mass gathering would have embarrasse­d Ghani’s government just a week before an internatio­nal conference in Brussels at which the U.S. and other donor countries are expected to tout progress in Afghanista­n and renew funding pledges.

Jafar Mahdavi, a Hazara lawmaker from Kabul and member of the Enlighteni­ng board, said the group wanted to send a message.

“We want to raise our voices to show the U.S. and other countries what kind of government you are supporting,” Mahdavi said. “It’s your money and your sacrifice, but supporting a racist government in Afghanista­n is not good for us or the American people.”

The group says it will press for greater political representa­tion during the negotiatio­ns. Hazaras are estimated to make up 9% of Afghanista­n’s 30 million people but hold a relatively small share of top government posts, and have long complained of a lack of developmen­t in their central Afghan heartland.

When Secretary of State John F. Kerry brokered a compromise between Ghani and his election rival, Abdullah Abdullah, after a disputed vote in 2014, leaders from Afghanista­n’s major ethnic groups were given positions in a top-heavy unity government. But in a country where ethnic political leaders have long commanded great authority, Enlighteni­ng protesters are increasing­ly critical of Hazara government representa­tives — led by Sarwar Danesh, the second vice president, and Mohamed Mohaqiq, the second deputy chief executive.

Traditiona­l Hazara standard bearers, they are now widely seen as window dressing in a government that has failed to mend the economy, stop a fresh exodus of refugees or stem a Taliban insurgency that now controls more territory than at any point since 2001.

“What’s happening in the Hazara community is an indication that traditiona­l leaders are losing popular support,” said Haroun Mir, an independen­t political analyst in Kabul.

“If the Enlighteni­ng continues to have broad support, the government and internatio­nal community will have to listen to them. They could emerge as a new kind of leadership.”

The movement gained a wide following this year over its opposition to a government plan to route an electricit­y transmissi­on line through the Hindu Kush mountains away from Bamiyan province, which has a large Hazara population.

Ghani’s aides said the government’s preferred route — through the narrow Salang pass — was shorter and that Bamiyan would be connected to the electrical grid once it goes online.

Hazara leaders argue that installing the line in Bamiyan would speed developmen­t of the province’s large and mostly untapped mineral caches.

“The whole of Afghanista­n would benefit if the line goes through Bamiyan,” Mahdavi said. “It’s as if the government doesn’t want the Hazara community to gain anything, so the whole country must suffer.”

But the protests have grown bigger than the power line controvers­y. In the 15 years since the U.S.-led invasion that toppled the Taliban, Afghanista­n has not seen a protest movement as big or well-organized.

Despite their economic challenges — or perhaps to surmount them — Afghan Hazaras have high levels of education and political participat­ion. The Enlighteni­ng movement has spread via social media and been bolstered by funds from expatriate­s in Britain, Australia and the U.S.

Many Kabul residents marveled that at past protests, demonstrat­ors exchanged flowers with soldiers and police — and picked up after themselves before going home.

After the July 23 bombing, Enlighteni­ng leaders said they spent $200,000 to have 40 seriously wounded demonstrat­ors treated in India, and provided bereavemen­t payments to the families of those killed.

“The strength of this movement is that they have a clear message and they are capable of mobilizing people in a way that other ethnic groups have not,” Mir said. “It’s a novelty in Afghan politics.”

It is also a sign of how ethnic fissures have widened under Ghani’s government.

Last month, Abdullah, the government’s chief executive, lashed out at Ghani for refusing to share power. Analysts say the president has concentrat­ed authority with a handful of members of his Pashtun ethnicity, Afghanista­n’s largest.

Minority Tajiks and Uzbeks — who clashed last month in Kabul over a reburial ceremony for a longdead Tajik king — have their own grievances but are sympatheti­c to the Hazaras, particular­ly after the July attack, analysts say.

Ghani tried to placate the Hazaras last month by visiting Bamiyan to highlight infrastruc­ture projects, but his trip was overshadow­ed by reports that security forces assaulted reporters and detained protest organizers.

Whether the Enlighteni­ng retains public support will depend on whether it can extract concession­s from the government.

“We don’t want to bring down the government — that won’t help the people of Afghanista­n,” Mahdavi said. “But we cannot go forward with this injustice.”

 ?? Shashank Bengali Los Angeles Times ?? JAFFER MAHDAVI says the Hazaras want to send an internatio­nal message.
Shashank Bengali Los Angeles Times JAFFER MAHDAVI says the Hazaras want to send an internatio­nal message.

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