Los Angeles Times

William F. Buckley’s erudite conservati­sm

- By Mickey Edwards

Open to Debate

How William F. Buckley Put Liberal America on the Firing Line

Heather Hendershot

Broadside Books: 432 pp., $28.99

How’s this for a story line? Rich kid grows up on the East Coast, not far from Manhattan. He’s utterly convinced of the rightness of his ideas and not at all shy about telling people who disagree with him that they’re wrong and making it abundantly clear that he thinks he’s smarter than they are. His out-there personalit­y draws the attention of television producers, he gets a TV show, becomes a national celebrity and runs for office as a world-class provocateu­r, taking on both Democrats and the leaders of his own Republican Party. Even though he has never run for anything before, he runs for the biggest office on the ballot and he is quite clearly the intimidato­r, not the intimidate­d.

That’s the premise of MIT professor Heather Hendershot’s new book, and as you’ll have immediatel­y realized, it’s a true story. The rich kid is Bill Buckley. Hendershot is a professor of film and media and her book, “Open to Debate: How William F. Buckley Put Liberal America on the Firing Line,” is less a biography than a recitation of how Buckley, coming to prominence at a time when Republican­s were often dismissed by liberal activists and the intellectu­al elite as “the stupid party,” delighted in using his own considerab­le intellect and oratorical skills to throw his verbal sparring partners back on their heels. It is to Hendershot’s credit that even though she generally fits more comfortabl­y in the ranks of his ideologica­l opponents, she has an admiration for him that for the most part mutes her dissent.

If there is a lesson here that would be good for us to absorb, it is the reason Hendershot is able and willing to write a positive book about somebody she frequently disagrees with. With some exceptions (James Baldwin, Norman Mailer), Buckley’s televised debates were penetratin­g but civil, focused on policy, not personalit­y. Disagreeme­nt did not imply disdain. Buckley and apparently his guests too relished the opportunit­y for serious thoughtful exploratio­n of difference­s.

I had the smallest of tastes of the Buckley approach. As a young conservati­ve, full of the conviction of my utter brilliance and penetratin­g insight, I wrote an article I was sure would instantly elevate me to national acclaim and sent it off to Buckley’s magazine, National Review. I did not know him then and was thrilled to receive a letter in response. Buckley himself had returned the manuscript with a single word hand-written across the bottom: “hyperbole.”

Although I cannot swear that I have never since committed that sin, it is a lesson I’ve remembered for half a century. As Hendershot makes clear in her frequent use of transcript­s from Buckley’s televised debates, his weapons were facts (at least his interpreta­tion of them), not exaggerati­ons. I doubt Buckley would have created much work for fact-checkers.

I have a completely unfair criticism of this book, however. I’ve boiled a bit when reviewers, even in positive reviews, have criticized my failure to include topics they thought I should have included even if they were outside the scope of the book I had written. How awkward, then, that I’m going to do the same here. The book is by a media professor about the successful use of media to advance some ideas and counter others (as she says in her title, how Buckley “put liberal America on the firing line”).

Page after page is filled with those transcript­s and frankly, after a bit, I found that boring; one can relive the dialogues of the past only so much. Her method showcases Buckley’s erudition, his willingnes­s to engage seriously smart people, etc., but to such an extent that it works best as a training book for would-be television producers. Hendershot is clearly smart, and it would have been nice if she had strayed a bit to put more effort into context, meaning, takeaways.

Bill Buckley was a trailblaze­r for a conservati­ve intellectu­al awakening. Buckley, along with M. Stanton Evans, Henry Hazlitt, Friedrich Hayek, John Chamberlai­n and a few others, began a serious cross-examinatio­n of liberal hypotheses that led in time to Ronald Reagan and competitiv­e elections in which conservati­ves regularly contend for dominance.

And, as when he ran against Republican incumbent John Lindsay for mayor of New York City, his focus was on principles, not love of party (he was one of the outspoken critics of the novelist and philosophe­r Ayn Rand, whose libertaria­n ideas had begun to captivate young conservati­ves).

Hendershot is clever to have used his “Firing Line” television show as an introducti­on to both Buckley and the rise of conservati­ve intellectu­al opposition to the liberal orthodoxy.

While I would have liked a bit more, readers whose knowledge of Buckley’s heyday is scant will find this a good introducti­on not only to Buckley and smart conservati­ve thought but (strange concept) a sadly disappeare­d politics of civility. Edwards is a former member of the Republican leadership in the House of Representa­tives and a former lecturer at Harvard and Princeton universiti­es. He is a vice president of the Aspen Institute.

 ?? Getty Images ?? BUCKLEY in 1962. He was the founder of the magazine National Review and hosted the television show “Firing Line” for 33 years.
Getty Images BUCKLEY in 1962. He was the founder of the magazine National Review and hosted the television show “Firing Line” for 33 years.

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