Los Angeles Times

Who’ll control the House after 2018? A few clues

Keep an eye on Trump and some races way before the midterm vote

- By Mark Z. Barabak mark.barabak@latimes.com Twitter: @markzbarab­ak

Looking at the numbers, Democrats seem to have a better chance seizing control of the Senate in 2018 than winning a majority and clawing their way back to power in the House.

Republican­s hold a mere 52-48 Senate majority while outnumberi­ng Democrats in the House by 44 seats, with five vacancies.

But elections are not about mathematic­s or determined by probabilit­y.

Though Democrats need to win just three seats to take over the Senate, the lay of the political landscape appears to strongly favor Republican­s, who are defending nine seats in the 2018 midterm election, compared with more than twice that — 25 — for Democrats.

In the House, Democrats need a gain in the neighborho­od of 24 seats to take control. There are about 50 seats, give or take, that appear reasonably competitiv­e. That suggests at least a decent chance that power could shift.

The most important factor will be President Trump and his standing with voters by the time November 2018 rolls around. Although he won’t be up for reelection until 2020, his policies and performanc­e will be very much on the ballot in the midterm election. (For some, his supersize personalit­y will also be factor.)

Remind me again, when is election day in 2018?

On Nov. 6.

How many House seats will be up?

Unlike in the Senate, where about a third of members face reelection every six years, all 435 House seats will be on the ballot.

But only about 50 or so are competitiv­e?

Well, that could change, especially if Trump’s subpar approval numbers fall even further. But for all the talk of voter anger and the widespread contempt for Congress registered in opinion polls, the overwhelmi­ngly majority of incumbents will be sent back to Washington — most without having to break a sweat.

Nice work if you can get it!

Indeed. In many states, politician­s did a masterful job drawing congressio­nal boundaries that effectivel­y eliminate serious competitio­n, by loading up districts with voters who can be counted on to vote for one party or the other. Also, the growing inclinatio­n of people to live among likeminded peers means that most Republican­s and Democrats represent districts that tilt strongly toward one or the other major party.

That said, there are 23 Republican­s representi­ng districts that Democrat Hillary Clinton carried in 2016, and 12 Democrats sitting in districts that Trump won.

Isn’t it right about now you bring up historical trends?

Yup, and here we go: The president’s party has lost seats in 18 of the last 20 midterm elections, with an average loss of 33 seats in that time.

When’s the last time we had a midterm election with a Republican president?

Wow, really down in the weeds, aren’t you? That would be 2006 — which happens to be the year Democrats won control of the House after being in the minority for 12 years.

So that’s promising for Democrats, isn’t it?

Yes, but. In this age of Trump, all the usual assumption­s and historical patterns have to be taken with that proverbial shaker of salt. Democrats were convinced he would not only lose the White House but prove a major drag on downballot candidates. They even entertaine­d visions of a 30-seat House pickup giving them the majority after November. But Democrats won only six seats and, of course, were wrong about who’d be sitting in the White House right now.

But the dynamics of midterm elections are different, no?

One would think so. Typically, the midpoint of a president’s term is a chance for voters to weigh in with a progress report of sorts. And, human nature being what it is, the frustrated and discontent­ed are more likely to muster themselves to vote than those who are happy and contented. That’s why the president’s party almost always loses seats.

Holy moly, I’m on the edge of my seat! Do we really have to wait until November 2018 to see what happens?

Yes, but. There are a handful of special elections in the next few months to fill vacant House seats, and although there’s a serious danger of over-interpreti­ng the results, the outcome could offer a few clues.

In Los Angeles, nearly two dozen candidates are vying to replace state Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra in a district that is virtually certain to elect a Democrat on June 6. (The primary election is April 4.) Similarly, in Montana, Kansas and South Carolina, Republican­s seem very likely to hang on to the seats that Ryan Zinke, Mike Pompeo and Mick Mulvaney, respective­ly, gave up to join the Trump administra­tion.

The most intriguing of the contests is taking place in Georgia, in a suburban Atlanta district that Trump barely won. The incumbent, Tom Price, stepped down to become secretary of Health and Human Services. If Democrats could snatch the seat away, or even keep the contest relatively close, that could offer a huge psychologi­cal boost.

Yeah, but psychology doesn’t win elections any more than probabilit­y.

True enough. But a strong Democratic showing would suggest the opposition­al energy that has manifested itself at town halls and street protests could translate into a strong turnout in the midterm election. And that, in turn, could encourage prospectiv­e Democrats to take the plunge and run in 2018; right now is prime recruiting time.

I’m marking my calendar! When is that Georgia election?

The first round takes place on April 18. If no candidate receives a majority, the top two finishers, regardless of party, will advance to a runoff on June 20.

 ?? Mandel Ngan AFP/Getty Images ?? HISTORICAL­LY, the midterm election has been a referendum on the president, so President Trump’s popularity will be a major factor in 2018.
Mandel Ngan AFP/Getty Images HISTORICAL­LY, the midterm election has been a referendum on the president, so President Trump’s popularity will be a major factor in 2018.
 ?? Gary Coronado Los Angeles Times ?? DEMOCRATS have a virtual lock on the race this year to replace former Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-Los Angeles), who is now the California attorney general.
Gary Coronado Los Angeles Times DEMOCRATS have a virtual lock on the race this year to replace former Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-Los Angeles), who is now the California attorney general.

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