Los Angeles Times

Let ‘so-called judges’ work in peace

An independen­t and respected judiciary is crucial to our democracy.

- Glenn C. Smith teaches constituti­onal law at California Western School of Law in San Diego and is the coauthor of “Constituti­onal Law for Dummies.” By Glenn C. Smith

It was bad enough when candidate Donald Trump questioned the impartiali­ty of the federal judge hearing the Trump University lawsuit. (Trump said that the judge’s ethnic heritage would make him biased.)

It was even worse when President Trump accused the federal judges temporaril­y halting his travel bans of purely political motivation­s and limited intelligen­ce.

But it was especially dishearten­ing last week to hear disrespect for a federal judge from the mouth of Atty. Gen. Jeff Sessions — who is, after all, the nation’s highest-ranking law enforcemen­t officer. After Hawaii-based U.S. District Judge Derrick Watson issued a temporary restrainin­g order against the administra­tion’s second travel ban, Sessions complained that “a judge sitting on an island in the Pacific” could issue a nationwide decree. The remark was eerily reminiscen­t of Trump’s earlier dismissive tweet that the U.S. district judge who stopped his first travel ban was a “so-called judge.”

Not that federal judges should be above legitimate criticism. These jurists deal with vital, and at times life-threatenin­g, issues; federal judges need to hear wellinform­ed and zealously advocated contrary views both inside the courtroom and out.

But there is a difference between legitimate criticism and crass delegitimi­zation. Sessions crossed the line when he intertwine­d potentiall­y valid criticism of district court injunctive powers with a dismissive joke. Even if incivility and demonizati­on are the “new normal” for fights among national politician­s and pundits — something I’m not prepared to concede, but that’s a bigger issue — there are three good reasons why federal-judge-bashing is beyond the pale.

First, politician­s who attack federal judges are not fighting fair. The traditions and ethical canons applicable to federal judges severely limit their ability to respond. It would violate judicial-restraint norms and bring serious rebuke for federal judges to turn legal rulings into platforms for personal rejoinders to political attacks.

Judicial comments outside the courtroom seen as “political” also bring forth swift condemnati­on. Witness the criticism of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg for an anti-Trump comment made off-hand to a reporter during the presidenti­al campaign.

Picking a fight with someone who can’t fight back is the epitome of being a bully.

Second, treating federal judges like other politician­s — and, especially, accusing them of having similar partisan motivation­s — obscures the fact that our constituti­onal democracy depends on federal judges rising above politics.

Sure, judicial appointmen­ts are heavily influenced by party and ideology. And scholars detect difference­s between rulings issued by federal judges appointed by Republican presidents and those appointed by Democrats.

Much of the time, however, judicial decision-making transcends politics. A variety of “rule of law” factors, such as respect for precedent and doctrines of judicial restraint, influence even the most highly visible judicial rulings; this has been shown time and again in social science studies and prominent anecdotes. (For example, two of the four lower-court judges ruling against the first Trump travel ban were appointed by Republican presidents.)

Although I would be the last person to assert that federal judging is always antiseptic­ally apolitical, life-tenured federal judges often live up to our constituti­onal democracy’s core aspiration of “equal justice under law.” In any event, it is vital that our civic discourse not assume, or become resigned to, the notion that federal judges are just politician­s who wear black robes.

The third — and most important — reason to lament over-theline attacks is that all Americans, regardless of their political affiliatio­n and ideology, have a vested interest in preserving the national judiciary as a third branch of government with the independen­ce and respect to check and balance nonjudicia­l officials.

Modern presidents and Congresses have awesome powers affecting our lives, fortunes and freedoms. It follows that courts need the independen­ce and respect to not only review presidenti­al orders and federal legislatio­n, but also to declare them invalid. The Supreme Court promoted our constituti­onal values and standing as a democracy when it invalidate­d Democratic President Harry Truman’s 1952 order temporaril­y seizing steel mills during the Korean War, and Republican President George W. Bush’s 2001 order authorizin­g military tribunal trials for Guantanamo prisoners.

In 1857, U.S. senatorial candidate Abraham Lincoln criticized the legal reasoning and real-world effect of the Supreme Court’s Dred Scott decision — which ruled that slaves could not assert federal constituti­onal rights, even in slavery-free territorie­s. Lincoln later insisted that Americans had every right to question the substance of Supreme Court decisions and work to overturn them. But Lincoln never called Chief Justice Roger Taney and his cohorts “socalled justices.”

Every president, attorney general and member of Congress has an obligation to reinforce, not undermine, respect for the crucial constituti­onal values served by our independen­t federal judiciary.

 ?? George F. Lee Honolulu Star-Advertiser ?? JUDGE Derrick Watson’s order drew disrespect.
George F. Lee Honolulu Star-Advertiser JUDGE Derrick Watson’s order drew disrespect.

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