Los Angeles Times

In L.A., love and support for the rebel South

- By Kevin Waite Kevin Waite is an assistant professor of American history at Durham University in Britain. He’s writing a book on slavery and the Civil War in the American West.

Dwarfed by the tombs of celebritie­s and socialites, a cluster of graves in the Hollywood Forever Cemetery bears silent witness to a largely forgotten chapter in California’s history. There lie buried some 30 Confederat­e veterans from nearly every rebel state, along with a seven-foot granite monument commemorat­ing their military service.

Recent high-profile fights over Confederat­e monuments have largely taken place in Dixie, in cities such as New Orleans and Richmond, Va. But Hollywood’s Confederat­e memorial reminds us that the struggle over slavery was not confined to the American South. Here in Los Angeles, the Confederat­e rebellion found a welcome reception and a long afterlife.

Civil War-era California was a state divided against itself. The more populous northern counties sent thousands of troops into the Union army and ensured California’s loyalty during the war. But migrants from the slave states constitute­d a majority of Los Angeles County’s white population. And many of them sided with their native South.

In the early months of the war, hurrahs for the Confederat­e President Jefferson Davis rang out through L.A.’s streets, as did popular tunes like “We’ll Drive the Bloody Tyrant from Our Dear Native Soil.” The city’s main hotel, the Bella Union, displayed a large portrait of Confederat­e general P.G.T. Beauregard in its saloon, while secessioni­sts conducted military drills in El Monte and San Bernardino.

Some secessioni­sts stayed put, but more than 250 Southern California­ns left the state to enlist in the Confederat­e army (versus just two Union volunteers from Los Angeles who went east). In May 1861, a secessioni­st company known as the Los Angeles Mounted Rifles made its way to Texas. It would become the only militia from a free state to fight under a Confederat­e banner. Local leaders such as Joseph Lancaster Brent, perhaps the most influentia­l politician in Los Angeles, followed shortly thereafter. During the war, Brent rose to the rank of brigadier general.

California’s Union commanders waged an aggressive campaign against secessioni­st agitation. To both contain the rebels in their midst and guard against Confederat­e forces in Arizona, they establishe­d a military garrison south of Los Angeles known as Drum Barracks. It housed thousands of Union soldiers through the war, who occasional­ly clashed with nearby Confederat­e supporters. Several prominent Confederat­e sympathize­rs were arrested for treason and jailed on Alcatraz Island, including the editor of the city’s leading newspaper, the Los Angeles Star, as well as the former state attorney general, E.J.C. Kewen. A street in Pasadena still bears Kewen’s name.

Despite the best efforts of some of these western rebels, California remained a Union state. But even after the Confederac­y’s collapse in spring 1865, the spirit of rebellion lived on in Southern California. Later that year, Andrew King, former undersheri­ff of Los Angeles, defiantly proclaimed, “We have been and are yet secessioni­st.”

Elsewhere in the state, self-identified members of the Ku Klux Klan unleashed a small-scale reign of terror. Whereas Klansmen in the South terrorized newly emancipate­d African Americans, California’s KKK targeted a different nonwhite population they deemed a greater threat: Chinese immigrants. They assaulted these immigrant workers, threatened their white employers and burned down churches that served the Chinese community.

Black California­ns didn’t escape post-war persecutio­n either. During Reconstruc­tion, California was the only free state to reject both the 14th and 15th amendments — those that, respective­ly, guaranteed crucial civil rights and granted the franchise to black men. Even after black male suffrage became national law in 1870, a number of California clerks refused to register African American voters, while L.A. County courts upheld these clear violations of civil law. Thus California officials anticipate­d some of the exclusiona­ry measures of the Jim Crow South.

That a number of Confederat­e veterans moved to Southern California in the decades after the war should come as no surprise, given the region’s history and political sensibilit­ies. In San Gabriel, they establishe­d the only Confederat­e veterans’ rest home outside Dixie. These are the veterans that now lie buried in Hollywood Forever Cemetery.

Today, miniature American flags grace the graves of Hollywood’s Confederat­e dead, which could perhaps be read as a gesture of reconcilia­tion. Or it might be a profoundly ironic statement: The banner of the nation that these men rebelled against now stands guard over their final resting place.

Throughout the South, cries grow louder to remove monuments to a failed slaveholde­rs’ rebellion. This western memorial, however, will likely endure — as well it should. It serves as a needed corrective to a self-congratula­tory strain in the stories California­ns tell about themselves.

Angelenos might be tempted to view the current controvers­y over Confederat­e symbols, and the ugly racial politics they represent, as a distinctly Southern problem. But a visit to Hollywood’s cemetery plot and some historical perspectiv­e teach us otherwise. Los Angeles was the westernmos­t outpost in a rebellion that spanned the continent.

Some secessioni­sts stayed put, but more than 250 Southern California­ns enlisted in the Confederat­e army.

 ?? Kevin Waite Special to The Times ?? A MONUMENT to “Soldiers of the Confederat­e States Army” at the Hollywood Forever Cemetery.
Kevin Waite Special to The Times A MONUMENT to “Soldiers of the Confederat­e States Army” at the Hollywood Forever Cemetery.

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