Los Angeles Times

An empire shrouded in secrecy

It’s growing harder to map Ivanka Trump’s business ties in China, which poses many ethical questions.

- Associated press

It is no secret that the bulk of Ivanka Trump’s merchandis­e comes from China. But just which Chinese companies manufactur­e and export her handbags, shoes and clothes is more secret than ever, according to an Associated Press investigat­ion.

In the months since President Trump’s daughter took her White House role of presidenti­al advisor, public informatio­n about the companies importing Ivanka Trump goods to the U.S. has become harder to find. Informatio­n that once routinely appeared in private trade tracking data has vanished, leaving the identities of companies involved in 90% of shipments unknown. Even less is known about her manufactur­ers. Ivanka Trump’s brand, which she still owns, declined to disclose the informatio­n.

The deepening secrecy means it’s unclear whom Ivanka Trump’s company is doing business with in China, even as she and her husband, Jared Kushner, have emerged as important conduits for top Chinese officials in Washington. The lack of disclosure makes it difficult to understand whether foreign government­s could use business ties with her brand to try to inf luence the White House — and whether her company stands to profit from foreign government subsidies that can destroy American jobs.

Such questions are especially pronounced in China, where state-owned and state-subsidized companies dominate large swaths of commercial activity.

“There should be more transparen­cy, but right now, we do not have the legal mechanism to enforce transparen­cy unless Congress requests informatio­n through a subpoena,” said Richard Painter, who served as chief White House ethics lawyer for George W. Bush and is part of a lawsuit against President Trump accusing the president of constituti­onal violations. “I don’t know how much money she’s making on this and why it’s worth it. I think it’s putting our trade policy in a very awkward situation.”

A review of the records that are available about her supply chain found two potential red flags. In one case, a province in eastern China announced the award of export subsidies to a company that shipped thousands of Ivanka Trump handbags between March 2016 and February of this year, Chinese public records show — a possible violation by China of global fair trade rules, trade experts said.

Tons of Ivanka Trump clothing were exported from 2013 to 2015 by a company owned by the Chinese government, according to public records and trade data. It is unclear whether the brand is still working with that company or other stateowned entities. Her brand has pledged to avoid business with state-owned companies now that she’s a White House advisor, but contends that its supply chains are not its direct reBut sponsibili­ty.

Ivanka Trump’s brand doesn’t actually make its products directly. Instead, it contracts with licensees that oversee production of her merchandis­e. In exchange, those licensees pay the brand royalties. The AP asked Ivanka Trump’s brand for a list of its suppliers. The company declined to disclose them. The clothing, footwear and handbag licensees contacted by the AP also declined to reveal source factories.

Abigail Klem, president of IT Operations, which manages Ivanka Trump’s brand, said the company does not contract with foreign state-owned companies or benefit from Chinese government subsidies. However, she acknowledg­ed that its licensees might.

“We license the rights to our brand name to licensing companies that have their own supply chains and distributi­on networks,” Klem said in an email. “The brand receives royalties on sales to wholesaler­s and would not benefit if a licensee increased its profit margin by obtaining goods at a lower cost.”

Michael Stone, chairman of Beanstalk, a global brand licensing agency, said lower production costs for licensees ultimately would benefit Ivanka Trump by freeing up money for marketing or lower retail prices, both of which drive sales.

“It gives her a competitiv­e advantage and an indirect benefit to her financiall­y,” Stone said. “The more successful the licensee is, the more successful Ivanka Trump is going to be.”

The AP identified companies that sent Trump products to the United States by looking at shipment data maintained by ImportGeni­us and Panjiva Inc., private companies that independen­tly track global trade. Panjiva’s records show that 85% of shipments of her goods to the U.S. this year originated in China and Hong Kong, but beyond that, it’s becoming more difficult to map the brand’s global footprint.

The companies that shipped Trump merchandis­e to the U.S. are listed for just five of 57 shipments logged by Panjiva from the end of March — when she officially became a presidenti­al advisor — through mid-September. Panjiva collects data from U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which did not immediatel­y release the missing data to the AP.

Although in many cases the manufactur­er ships goods directly, merchandis­e can also be made by one company and shipped by another trading or consolidat­ion company.

There used to be more visibility. Last year, 27% of the companies that exported Ivanka Trump merchandis­e to the U.S. were identified in Panjiva’s records, and in 2014, 95% were named. For two of Trump’s licensees — G-III Apparel Group Ltd. and Marc Fisher Footwear — the number of shipments appears to plunge in 2015, probably because they “requested to hide” their shipment activity, according to Panjiva records. Neither company responded to AP’s questions.

The Ivanka Trump brand declined to comment on the growing murkiness of its supply chain.

Chris Rogers, an analyst at Panjiva, said any company can ask customs authoritie­s to redact its informatio­n for any reason. About a quarter of companies request anonymity, he said, but the majority don’t mind disclosing with whom they’re doing business.

“A lot of companies have said, ‘Yes, there might be a commercial disadvanta­ge, but we want to be transparen­t about our supply chain,’ ” he said. “‘Why would we want to cover up the fact that we’re working with this particular company?’ ”

While ethics lawyers may see disclosure as the best antidote to conflict of interest, many brands see it as a tool to keep supply chains scandal-free. Public outcry over sweatshop conditions and worker suicides prompted companies such as Nike Inc. and Apple Inc. to disclose the names and addresses of their manufactur­ers, and a growing number, including Gap Inc., H&M Group and Levi Strauss & Co., publicly identify their suppliers.

Ivanka Trump should do the same, said Allen Adamson, founder and chief executive of BrandSimpl­e Consulting. “It’s a missed opportunit­y to lead by example.”

What shipping records do show is that a company called Zhejiang Tongxiang Foreign Trade Group Co. Ltd., a conglomera­te once majority-owned by the Chinese state, sent at least 30 tons of Ivanka Trump handbags to the U.S. from March 2016 to February 2017.

Zhejiang Province’s Department of Commerce said in June 2014 that it would help lower export costs for that same company, along with nine other local enterprise­s, through a special three-year trade promotion program. Among the measures outlined were export insurance subsidies and funding for online trading platforms and internatio­nal marketing, as well as special funds earmarked for foreign trade companies with largescale, fast-growing exports.

The value of the subsidies is unclear, as are details about how the directives were implemente­d, but using subsidies to reduce the price of exports is considered so destructiv­e to fair trade that the World Trade Organizati­on generally bans the practice. Chinese government subsidies hurt American workers but can lower costs for U.S. companies that import made-inChina merchandis­e, potentiall­y boosting their profits. President Trump has called companies that benefit from foreign government subsidies “cheaters.”

The AP spoke with four trade experts in the United States and China who said the Zhejiang measures appeared to violate World Trade Organizati­on rules. “These are clearly export subsidies,” said Gary Hufbauer, a trade expert at the Peterson Institute for Internatio­nal Economics in Washington.

Zhejiang Province’s Department of Commerce and the Zhejiang Tongxiang Foreign Trade Group declined to comment.

The AP also found that from October 2013 to January 2015, Jiangsu High Hope Internatio­nal Group Corp., a conglomera­te majorityow­ned by the Jiangsu provincial government, shipped 45 tons of Ivanka Trump clothing to the U.S., according to records from ImportGeni­us and Panjiva.

High Hope said it had “a small number of business dealings” with Ivanka Trump licensee G-III Apparel but declined to answer questions about whether the relationsh­ip is ongoing.

G-III, which is based in New York City, declined to respond to specific questions but said in a statement that it is “committed to legal compliance and ethical business practices in all of our operations worldwide.” Ivanka Trump licensee Mondani Handbags & Accessorie­s Inc., also based in New York, did not respond to requests for comment.

Ivanka Trump’s brand said it was in the process of reviewing its supply chains with the help of “independen­t experts whose mission it is to advance human rights” and emphasized that all licensees, manufactur­ers, subcontrac­tors and suppliers are required to abide by the law as well as ethical practices set forth in a vendor code of conduct.

The AP asked to see the code of conduct, but the brand declined to share it.

 ?? Andrew Harnik Associated Press ?? THE LACK of disclosure about the Chinese firms importing Ivanka Trump’s apparel line to the U.S. raises concerns that foreign government­s could use business ties with her brand to try to influence the White House.
Andrew Harnik Associated Press THE LACK of disclosure about the Chinese firms importing Ivanka Trump’s apparel line to the U.S. raises concerns that foreign government­s could use business ties with her brand to try to influence the White House.

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