Los Angeles Times

‘Dreamers’ are pawns in immigratio­n debate

We are no closer to enacting comprehens­ive reform.

- By Wayne A. Cornelius Wayne A. Cornelius is a professor emeritus of political science at UC San Diego and director emeritus of the university’s Mexican Migration Field Research Program.

There was always a risk that the roughly 700,000 DACA beneficiar­ies would become pawns in our larger immigratio­n policy wars. For all his past expression­s of support for the “Dreamers,” President Trump appears to see protecting them mainly as a lever for extracting hard-line, antiimmigr­ation measures from Congress, which House Republican­s obligingly bundled into a list of demands for the Democrats.

Above all, Trump seeks substantia­l funding for his project to build some sort of wall along the U.S.-Mexico border. Republican immigratio­n hawks in Congress have their sights set on a much larger goal: reducing the overall level of legal immigratio­n by replacing our family reunificat­ion-based legal immigratio­n system with a “merit-based” system that privileges people with educationa­l, linguistic and job-related credential­s.

But the bipartisan compromise bill now being cobbled together in Congress focuses on that famous wall. Support is building to fund a “smart wall” — not the 2,000-mile, continuous physical barrier often promised by Trump, but rather a combinatio­n of technologi­cal upgrades for surveillan­ce, more Border Patrol agents and new or replacemen­t barriers along some segments of the border.

Whatever the specs, these new border enforcemen­t measures would not come cheaply, and they would accomplish little to nothing in terms of actually preventing or discouragi­ng illegal entries, as a large body of academic research on the efficacy of our post-1993 border enforcemen­t buildup has demonstrat­ed.

Trump’s wall certainly won’t cost $18 billion, as the administra­tion has claimed. The most credible estimates by government and independen­t researcher­s are in the range of $22 billion to $40 billion. Maintenanc­e would cost an additional $500 million per year.

Even if built to the administra­tion’s specs, the proposed wall would slow down people-smugglers and their clients by only a few minutes or even seconds. Top Border Patrol officials argue that even a short delay would enable Border Patrol agents to swoop in and apprehend would-be illegal entrants. But there is no evidence to support this claim, and much evidence suggesting that people-smugglers would quickly adapt to the new environmen­t and find ways to keep doing business as usual.

Worse, building a more formidable obstacle course on the southweste­rn border would give peoplesmug­glers a pretext for charging their clients higher fees. It would also give unauthoriz­ed migrants who make it into the country a stronger incentive to remain permanentl­y.

Funding the measures that are now on the table, moreover, would divert resources away from things that could actually improve border security — like more staff for inspection­s at legal ports of entry, where between one-third and onehalf of all unauthoriz­ed entries take place, according to field research interviews.

The border wall — “smart” or otherwise — would have virtually no effect on drug traffickin­g, which has become the Trump administra­tion’s primary rationale for the project.

Every year the U.S. Drug Enforcemen­t Agency publishes statistics showing that at least 95% of drugs seized were being transporte­d through legal ports of entry. The image of drug-filled backpacks being toted across the border by undocument­ed migrants — an image much beloved by immigratio­n hawks in Congress — is fantasy.

Border apprehensi­ons are now down to 1970s levels, despite a recent surge caused mostly by migration of Central American asylumseek­ers — not Mexicans. Non-Mexicans outnumbere­d Mexicans among apprehende­d migrants in the last two fiscal years.

None of the proposals under considerat­ion would create a refugee admissions system that responds realistica­lly to the demand for such visas. The Trump administra­tion has reduced the annual quota of visas for asylum-seekers to 45,000 — the lowest in decades. No one has proposed new funding for programs to reduce gang violence and other push factors in refugee-sending countries.

The battle over those protected under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program remains heavily cloaked in the struggle to enact tougher “border security” measures. Democrats are under intense pressure to cave on this portion of the anti-immigratio­n agenda. Better to play along with Trump and congressio­nal immigratio­n hawks on border enforcemen­t than risk the futures of 700,000 deserving young people, the logic goes.

But this sterile debate on border security moves us no closer to a serious effort to enact comprehens­ive immigratio­n reform, which must happen. We need such reform to create a pathway to legal status for the estimated 11 million undocument­ed immigrants now living in the United States. Trump says he supports comprehens­ive reform, but his statements and actions say otherwise.

 ?? Jewel Samad AFP/Getty Images ?? DEMONSTRAT­ORS rally in support of the Dream Act near Trump Tower in New York.
Jewel Samad AFP/Getty Images DEMONSTRAT­ORS rally in support of the Dream Act near Trump Tower in New York.

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