Los Angeles Times

When #MeToo collides with Russia

- VIRGINIA HEFFERNAN Twitter:@page88

This last year has been a crash course in startlingl­y brutal abuses of power. For decades, it seems, a caste of self-styled overmen has felt liberated to commit misdeeds with impunity: ethical, sexual, financial and otherwise.

There’s hardly room to name them all here, though of course icons of power-madness such as Donald Trump and Harvey Weinstein are household names. In plain sight, even more or less regular schmos — including EPA Administra­tor Scott Pruitt, disgraced carnival barker Bill O’Reilly and former New York Atty. Gen. Eric Schneiderm­an — seem to have fancied themselves exempt from the laws that bind the rest of us.

These guys are not exactly men of Nobel-level accomplish­ment or royal blood. Like the rest of us, they live in a democracy, under rule of law. Still, they like to preen. How exciting this VIP cosplay must be for them! Dudes from Queens or Oklahoma get to behave like twisted aristocrat­s in the tradition of Henry VIII or the Marquis de Sade.

The courageous #MeToo movement, which brought forth Schneiderm­an’s accusers, has been proxy and practice for the exposure of some in Trump’s circle, including their ties to Russia.

But now the biggest stories of abuse of power — #MeToo offenders and the Russia-aligned Trump syndicate — have become one. And if the fast and furious revelation­s are any indication, a reckoning for the broader overman racket may also be at hand.

On Monday, a detailed account of Schneiderm­an’s alleged history of strangling, slapping and boxing the ears of his girlfriend­s appeared in the New Yorker, prompting the attorney general to resign the next day.

On Friday, a legal document surfaced that suggested Donald Trump and Michael Cohen, his erstwhile personal lawyer, might have known about Schneiderm­an’s propensity for sexual violence as early as 2013.

Also this week, news broke that Cohen, known for servicing the hush-money-extramarit­alaffairs needs of Trump and Republican National Committee official Elliott Broidy, was also taking fat stacks of money from Columbus Nova, a family-investment office with ties to Viktor Vekselberg, a Russian oligarch.

(Sidebar because it’s just this insane: Was Broidy actually taking the heat for Trump when he copped to an affair and pregnancy with a skin-mag model? Did Broidy give Cohen money not to hush things up but rather as a way of currying favor with the president? Law professor Paul Campos laid out that case hypothetic­ally but persuasive­ly in New York magazine, also this week.)

Cohen’s office also saw big sums from companies not known for “Sopranos”-style nonsense, specifical­ly Novartis and AT&T. On Friday morning, the CEOs of Novartis and AT&T apologized for getting mixed up with Cohen. AT&T’s CEO said hiring him was “a big mistake.” (I bet.)

Oh, but it doesn’t stop there. Also this week, the Observer alleged that Trump confederat­es hired the same gang of former Israeli intelligen­ce officers to frame and intimidate proponents of the Iran deal that Harvey Weinstein once viciously sicced on his victims. The ex-spies, known as Black Cube, denied any connection to the administra­tion.

It’s important to note, in a time monotonous­ly described as intensely partisan, that the men involved in these antics come in every ideologica­l stripe. Some are feminists. Some are libertaria­ns. Some are climate deniers. All appear to be in chronic violation of baseline codes of conduct.

Law professor Alan Dershowitz’s new book claims that political difference­s have lately been criminaliz­ed in the United States. He has it wrong. Instead, the orderly enforcemen­t of the law has, ludicrousl­y, been framed as political.

A cottage industry of enablers has risen alongside the above-thelaw caste. These are the joints like Black Cube, Cambridge Analytica and Cohen’s nutty consultanc­y LLC. Swank outfits that for a steep price protect the swaggering VIPs, and in some cases make problems go away.

Swashbuckl­ing tactics at such concerns might include humiliatin­g a client’s rivals, exes and whistleblo­wers; concealing his misdeeds; manipulati­ng media and social media; and perhaps coarser services.

Everyone involved wears suits, and they operate under the rubric of “security,” “research” or “strategic communicat­ion.” Cohen said he would offer “insights” into ... something for his corporate clients.

Like their clients, these concerns look impressive while they last — surely something brought AT&T to the table with Cohen — but they can go from riches to rags overnight. Cambridge Analytica and the Cohen consultanc­y, for example, are now defunct.

They sure do savor it while they can, appropriat­ing government functions — running private intelligen­ce, private security and even, in the case of Trump associate Erik Prince’s Blackwater, private military operations.

Perhaps this whole network believes, as Schneiderm­an reportedly told one of the women who has accused him of abuse: “I am the law.”

As prosecutor­s and journalist­s close in, the actual law seems to have other ideas.

For decades, a caste of self-styled overmen has felt liberated to commit misdeeds with impunity.

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