Los Angeles Times

A Red scare among green groups

Lawmakers suggest a leading environmen­tal nonprofit is an agent of China, but critics see a different threat.

- By Evan Halper

WASHINGTON — When leaders of a powerful congressio­nal committee turned their attention this month to the scourge of foreign agents plotting to weaken American democracy, they didn’t target Eastern European hackers or shadowy internatio­nal political operatives.

They instead took off after the even-tempered environmen­tal lawyers at the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Rep. Rob Bishop (RUtah), chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee, said he suspects the group has become an agent of China’s Communist Party. Why else, Bishop and a colleague wrote in a letter to the group demanding documents, would it spend so much effort fawning over our adversary’s imperfect environmen­tal record while attacking the Trump administra­tion’s stewardshi­p?

The committee’s interrogat­ion of one of the country’s leading environmen­tal groups came as part of a larger trend: Last year, Robert S. Mueller III’s special counsel investigat­ion into Russian interferen­ce in the 2016 election breathed new life into the federal law requiring registrati­on of foreign agents. Since then, the 80-year-old statute has started to become weaponized by political interests to go after their opponents.

A broad spectrum of civil society groups that work internatio­nally fear they could face a new legal threat: being pressured to register as foreign agents, a designatio­n that could severely damage an organizati­on.

“It is not at all clear where this is headed,” said Sam Worthingto­n, chief executive of InterActio­n, a large coalition of U.S.-based nonprofits that work internatio­nally. He warns that thousands of American nonprofits could find themselves in the same predicamen­t as the Natural Resources Defense Council.

Like several other baleful developmen­ts in U.S. public life, the potential misuse of the foreign agent registrati­on law parallels developmen­ts in Russia. Advocates for nonprofit groups worry that a legal tool meant to protect American institu-

tions could be used to strike at those out of favor in Washington, much as the Kremlin has used similar rules to intimidate and shut down civil society groups.

America’s Foreign Agents Registrati­on Act has been around since 1938, when it was passed to flush out Nazi agents in the prelude to World War II. By the 1950s it had become a staple of the so-called Red scare, used to attack perceived communist sympathize­rs.

W.E.B. Du Bois, the prominent black sociologis­t and writer, was indicted in 1951 on charges of being an unregister­ed Soviet agent, with prosecutor­s citing his role as chairman of the Peace Informatio­n Center, a group that advocated nuclear disarmamen­t. He was acquitted, but the State Department banned him from traveling for eight more years because Du Bois would not sign an affidavit renouncing communism.

In recent years, the act was laxly enforced and routinely ignored by Washington lobbyists who did work for foreign government­s but claimed that they did not meet the law’s requiremen­ts to register. That changed last year when Mueller indicted President Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, on, among other charges, failure to register. That was followed in November by the Justice Department forcing the Russian-funded television network RT America to register.

Suddenly, attorneys and lobbyists in Washington with foreign government­s on their client lists began to register in significan­tly larger numbers.

As is often the case in Washington’s highly polarized political environmen­t, it didn’t take long for people to begin worrying about unintended consequenc­es. In April, a group of 43 nonprofits urged lawmakers seeking to bolster enforcemen­t of the registrati­on law to proceed cautiously, warning their proposals could open nonprofits to “politicize­d enforcemen­t actions and attack.”

“The act is so vaguely and broadly written that it lends itself to being politicize­d,” said Nick Robinson, legal advisor for the Internatio­nal Center for Not-for-Profit Law. “That might be by politician­s or the Department of Justice or others who can use this to target nonprofits.”

“We have seen this before,” Robinson said, pointing to the Du Bois case. “We and a whole bunch of other nonprofits are concerned about this.”

The coalition’s letter was sent only weeks after Republican­s on the House Science, Space and Technology Committee issued a report suggesting environmen­tal groups protesting fracking and natural gas pipelines had become unwitting agents of the Russian government.

The same committee last year accused the Sea Change Foundation, a major funder of large U.S. environmen­tal groups, of getting money from Russian energy interests eager to curb gas extraction in the U.S. The committee seized on reports in right-wing media about the group’s opaque financial documents in making its accusation­s, but it admitted that there was “little to no paper trail.” The members of Congress demanded the Trump administra­tion investigat­e whether Sea Change was a foreign agent.

Roderick Forrest, an attorney for the Bermudabas­ed firm through which much of the money to Sea Change was channeled, said in an email that allegation­s are “completely false and irresponsi­ble” and that there is “no Russian connection whatsoever.”

But Sea Change and others may now find themselves targeted by the Natural Resources Committee. “We are looking into groups beyond” the Natural Resources Defense Council, said a committee aide who was not authorized to speak on the record.

Committee officials denied Bishop and the coauthor of the letter, oversight subcommitt­ee Chairman Rep. Bruce Westerman (RArk.), are using the registrati­on act to target groups that oppose their push to expand oil and gas drilling. They say they merely seek clarity about their foreign affiliatio­ns.

“There is some question about to what degree a foreign entity drives NRDC’s mission,” the aide said. “Have they crossed the line from just being sycophants to Chinese leadership to actively or indirectly carrying out their informatio­n campaign in some capacity?”

In their letter, Bishop and Westerman challenged the group’s praise of China’s environmen­tal efforts and questioned whether the group was “aiding China’s perception management efforts with respect to pollution control and its internatio­nal standing on environmen­tal issues in ways that may be detrimenta­l to the United States.”

The letter cites its praise of fisheries protection­s by China at the same time Greenpeace was sharply critical of the nation for subsidizin­g commercial fleets that are depleting fisheries around the world. “The committee is concerned that the NRDC’s need to maintain access to Chinese officials has influenced its political activities in the United States,” the congressme­n wrote.

A spokeswoma­n for Greenpeace called the other environmen­tal group an ally that it fully supports.

The Natural Resources Defense Council did not respond to interview requests. In a statement, Bob Deans, the organizati­on’s director of strategic engagement, said the group’s work combating pollution worldwide is in America’s national interest.

“We’re proud of our work, in China and elsewhere, helping to create a more sustainabl­e future for everyone, and we look forward to discussing that work with Chairman Bishop and the committee,” the statement said.

The committee’s investigat­ion has alarmed even some of those who have urged Congress to do more to inoculate American institutio­ns against Chinese government interferen­ce. Among them is Glenn Tiffert, a visiting fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institutio­n, who recently testified to Congress about the methods the Chinese use to project influence.

He pointed to organizati­ons, including the Confucius Institutes present at hundreds of American schools and universiti­es. Their mission is to teach Chinese language and culture, but critics worry they have become a subtle tool the Chinese Communist Party uses to indoctrina­te students.

Educators have been debating whether the institutes should be compelled to register as foreign agents. Branding them as such would probably prompt schools to sever their relationsh­ips, depriving students of the language training and other coursework they provide.

Tiffert says that’s a debate the nation needs to have as it contemplat­es the nuanced ways in which foreign government­s exert influence inside America. But he calls the congressio­nal insinuatio­ns about the Natural Resources Defense Council deeply concerning.

“This should not be about American civil society organizati­ons, like NRDC,” he said. “We need to be cautious about recklessly crossing that line.”

The committee’s letter “brings to mind some dark chapters in history when loose innuendo and associatio­n with foreign government were hurled for political purposes,” he said in an interview.

 ?? ANDY WONG Associated Press ?? A HOUSE committee is challengin­g the Natural Resources Defense Council’s praise of China’s environmen­tal efforts. Above, steam and white smoke from a coal-fired power plant in Beijing last year.
ANDY WONG Associated Press A HOUSE committee is challengin­g the Natural Resources Defense Council’s praise of China’s environmen­tal efforts. Above, steam and white smoke from a coal-fired power plant in Beijing last year.

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