Los Angeles Times

Trump’s family cruelty policy

- By Kristin Collins, Serena Mayeri and Hiroshi Motomura Kristin Collins, Serena Mayeri and Hiroshi Motomura are law professors at Boston University, the University of Pennsylvan­ia and UCLA, respective­ly.

Reports of young children ripped from their parents’ arms at the U.S.-Mexico border are causing outrage, and rightly so. But this shocking practice is just the latest example of the Trump administra­tion’s systematic assault on bonds of love and kinship that American immigratio­n law has long valued and protected.

“Family separation” is a tactic designed to scare away migrants and asylum seekers, especially those from Latin America. It is also a bargaining chip in the president’s attempt to force Congress to agree to a radical cutback in legal immigratio­n and to the constructi­on of a wall along the southern border. The pretense is law enforcemen­t, but cruelty to families has become the hallmark of the Trump administra­tion’s overall immigratio­n policy.

Consider the president’s “travel ban.” If the children, spouses, parents and other close relatives of American citizens and lawful immigrants come from any of six Muslim-majority countries, they cannot visit, let alone immigrate to America. Waivers are nearly impossible to obtain. The ban was temporary at first, but unless the Supreme Court steps in, the president’s executive order will make this kind of family separation indefinite.

Trump’s administra­tion also has been trying to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (so far, it has been thwarted by court decisions). Terminatin­g DACA would expose hundreds of thousands of young people to deportatio­n to countries they barely know and to indefinite separation from their families in the U.S.

Last week, Atty. Gen. Jeff Sessions decreed that asylum would no longer be granted to migrants based on life-threatenin­g violence at the hands of partners and spouses, or of criminal gangs, a change that unravels protection­s already establishe­d under U.S. and internatio­nal law.

These policies attack the most vulnerable migrants — families fleeing unspeakabl­e violence, women whose own countries can’t or won’t protect them, children who lose their parents to deportatio­n or detention. They target people of color and religious minorities purposeful­ly and unabashedl­y. And they take us back to other shameful periods in American history — enslaved families torn apart and Native American children taken from their parents in the name of assimilati­on.

Starting in 1790, race played a major role in determinin­g who could be a U.S. citizen, and by the 1880s, who could enter the country. These racial restrictio­ns routinely separated families. Chinese immigrants and Chinese Americans suffered well into the 20th century under laws that regularly kept out wives and children, through outright exclusion or the threat of long periods of detention on infamous Angel Island, in San Francisco Bay.

Congress gradually repealed racial and ethnic restrictio­ns on immigratio­n and citizenshi­p. The country came to recognize that our immigratio­n rules should protect the dignity and integrity of all families. In 1965, Congress said explicitly that the government could not deny a visa based on national origin, race or gender. The same law establishe­d the family as part of the bedrock of American immigratio­n policy. When President Lyndon B. Johnson signed this bill, in a ceremony at the base of the Statue of Liberty, his message was clear: No longer would families be “kept apart because a husband or a wife or a child had been born in the wrong place.”

Even as immigratio­n enforcemen­t intensifie­d in recent decades, protecting families remained a key focus of immigratio­n officers and courts. The Violence Against Women Act allows battered spouses, children and parents of American citizens and permanent residents to stay in the U.S. if they qualify under the law. Both Republican and Democratic administra­tions — until this one — have taken family ties into account in setting priorities for immigratio­n enforcemen­t. The government seldom deported undocument­ed mothers and fathers of U.S. citizens, as is now becoming common, unless the parent had a criminal record.

For more than half a century, then, U.S. immigratio­n has operated as part of a cluster of constituti­onal and internatio­nal laws that emphasize the value of all families. The Supreme Court has long interprete­d the Constituti­on to protect family relationsh­ips from undue government interferen­ce. Parents threatened with the loss of their children have rights to due process. The government may not remove children from parents unless the child’s safety is threatened. Nor may it deny family rights based on race, gender or religion.

Under internatio­nal human rights law, too, family protection is foundation­al. Responding to the Nazi practice of dismantlin­g Jewish and Polish families, the 1948 Declaratio­n of Human Rights includes this clear statement: “The family is the natural and fundamenta­l group unit of society and is entitled to protection” from the government.

This is not to say that domestic and internatio­nal law has perfectly protected families. It would be naïve to think that zealous immigratio­n enforcemen­t has never before visited hardships on immigrant families. But Trump’s orders are different. They are intentiona­lly cavalier about tearing families apart. Terrorizin­g immigrant communitie­s and coercing politician­s are the goals.

The president’s extremist policies can be stopped. Congress and the courts can act; lawsuits, protests and the ballot box will make a difference. We must reject the administra­tion’s claim that it has unfettered power to regulate the border. That is the logic of tyrants.

It has taken the Trump administra­tion only 18 months to sabotage our immigratio­n policy’s foundation of equal treatment and family integrity. It may well take years to undo the havoc. And the damage done to families at the border will take far, far longer to repair.

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