Los Angeles Times

Give ‘Vice’ an Oscar for civics

- Robert J. Spitzer is chairman of the political science department at the State University of New York in Cortland and the author of several books on the presidency. He has also written on the unitary theory of power. By Robert J. Spitzer

The movie “Vice” has been praised for telling the story of the rise of Dick Cheney, a tale punctuated by an array of effective performanc­es — most notably by Christian Bale as Cheney. The fictionali­zed story has its critics as well; they accuse it of misreprese­nting important facts. But in one area in particular, its honesty struck me like a thunderbol­t: “Vice” illuminate­s a significan­t but little-known interpreta­tion of the Constituti­on, called the unitary theory of executive power.

In the film, Cheney is introduced to the theory in the 1970s by a brilliant young conservati­ve lawyer, Antonin Scalia. Here at last was a way of looking at the Constituti­on that would allow a conservati­ve president, perhaps the ambitious Cheney one day, to freely exercise the kind of muscular power that could short circuit the pesky constraint­s on appropriat­ions and war powers that had confronted Presidents Nixon and Ford.

The theory took flight during the Reagan era, when lawyers in that administra­tion’s Justice Department and members of the recently founded conservati­ve organizati­on the Federalist Society fleshed out what they argued was an “originalis­t” pedigree for the idea: The founders, they argued, created a strong president whose powers had been wrongly eroded through the late 20th century.

The unitary theory includes two core tenets. The first is that, as then-federal judge and future Supreme Court Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. said in 2000, “The president has not just some executive powers, but the executive power — the whole thing.” To those under the spell of the unitary theory, this means that the president’s authority over the executive branch is both complete and pretty much unlimited.

The second key feature is that the other branches of government may not intrude on the president’s control of the executive branch. That is, Congress may not legislate, and the courts may not adjudicate matters that the president believes infringe on full and complete control of the executive. If they do, presidents may simply disregard those laws or decisions.

Most constituti­onal historians consider this interpreta­tion of the Constituti­on far from the “original intent” of the founders. After all, it rejects a fundamenta­l tenet of American governance: checks and balances. As the political scientist Richard Neustadt noted long ago, our system is best understood as one of “separated institutio­ns sharing powers.” Yes, the branches are distinct, but the powers are really blended, and it is that blending that allows checks and balances to function.

For Scalia, Cheney and others, it was too limiting. “Vice” portrays their alternate theory in action. Under Vice President Cheney’s tutelage, President George W. Bush (brilliantl­y portrayed by Sam Rockwell) argues that he can simply ignore laws or parts of laws that infringe on unitary executive power. There are hundreds of instances when, mostly through signing statements, Bush said that he was not bound by the otherwise authoritat­ive terms of bills he was signing into law. He repeatedly objected, for example, to requiremen­ts that executive branch agencies supply informatio­n to Congress, despite Congress’ oversight power.

Most infamously, however, the unitary theory was put to work by John Yoo, a lawyer in the Department of Justice under Bush, when he penned a memo asserting that the president had the inherent power to order the use of torture against “enemy combatants,” plainly contradict­ing American and internatio­nal law. As the film suggests, Cheney, along with a more shadowy figure, David Addington, played a pivotal role in prodding Bush to assert this found authority.

The relative obscurity of the unitary theory, combined with its profound and perverse power claims, has come back into focus during the Trump presidency. For example, just as Bush administra­tion lawyers argued unsuccessf­ully in court in challenges to some of its key actions, Trump lawyers have argued on behalf of Trump’s immigratio­n policies, claiming that the courts had no right to decide such matters because they are solely within the president’s unitary powers. It turns out that judges of all ideologica­l stripes disagree, so such claims have generally been rejected to date. But with the recent appointmen­t of Federalist Society-vetted judges to the federal courts and the Supreme Court, it is likely such claims will find greater favor in the future.

Whatever its merits as film art, “Vice” deserves a special public service Oscar for Best Depiction of a Wayward Constituti­onal Theory in Film award. Whatever its flaws, the movie shines a light on the most tendentiou­s yet consequent­ial constituti­onal theory of our time. In the hands of our current president, this theory is a loaded weapon pointed at the very essence of our three-branch governing system.

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