Los Angeles Times

Ricardo Lara’s broken pledge

- T is not illegal for California’s

Iinsurance commission­er to accept campaign donations from insurance company executives and lobbyists. But it’s unseemly enough that most people running for the post have refused such donations to avoid raising suspicions about industry influence. The insurance commission­er’s job, after all, is to regulate the $310billion industry, keeping insurance available and affordable by overseeing the companies’ rates and practices.

One notable violator of this unwritten rule was Insurance Commission­er Chuck Quackenbus­h, a Republican who not only accepted donations and gifts from the industry, but did so with gusto. During his six years in office, Quackenbus­h collected $8 million in campaign donations from insurance companies, as well as industry-financed trips to London, Beijing and other places, before slinking out of the job in disgrace in 2000 after a whistleblo­wer accused him of using the job for personal gain.

And now there’s another: Current Insurance Commission­er Ricardo Lara received more than $53,000 in campaign donations for his 2022 reelection from people linked to an insurance company with business pending before the commission­er, according to a San Diego Union-Tribune investigat­ion.

Lara, a Democrat, promised not to take money from the industry during his tough campaign against Steve Poizner, a former Republican insurance commission­er running as an independen­t. It was a wise move considerin­g that the last Democrat to lose a race for insurance commission­er was former Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, whom Poizner defeated in 2006. Bustamante had received campaign help from the insurance companies. Poizner had not, and furthermor­e, showed himself to be a champion of the public’s interest while on the job.

Lara beat Poizner in November even though Lara violated his own pledge not to take insurance industry contributi­ons during the campaign. Lara says he gave that money back. But then, after he took office, his reelection campaign collected insurance industry contributi­ons, something Lara acknowledg­ed only after being called out.

This week Lara said it was just a mistake

attributab­le to insufficie­nt campaign controls, and promised once again to return the money. But that’s not good enough. He must explain how these donations were made and what he knew about them. It’s very difficult to believe that Lara, who was acting as his own campaign treasurer, didn’t know the provenance of the contributi­ons, given that they represente­d most of the donations to his campaign fund.

The issue raised by Lara’s actions is part and parcel of a bigger debate in society about the corrosive effect that campaign donations from special interests can have on policymaki­ng and on the public’s faith in its elected officials. Obviously, we don’t want legislator­s or regulators to be bought by or beholden to donors. On the other hand, restrictin­g donations from executives and corporatio­ns raises 1st Amendment issues, even when they have a financial interest in the outcome of the campaign. The constituti­onal limits have left reformers struggling to keep outsiders from trying to buy off elected officials and to maintain public confidence in government.

The appearance of undue influence is a problem that afflicts every elected position to a degree. But what makes the state insurance commission­er’s position different from, say, secretary of state or a state senator is that it is a single-industry regulator created by a citizen’s initiative in 1988: Propositio­n 103. The ballot measure grew out of a frustratio­n with the skyrocketi­ng rates for auto and health insurance and the sense that the state’s appointed insurance commission­ers were too cozy with insurance companies to adequately regulate them.

At the time of the Quackenbus­h scandal, some state lawmakers sought to restrict industry campaign donations to the insurance commission­er. A bill by then-state Sen. Jackie Speier, a Democrat who is now a congresswo­man, would have limited donations from companies that have regulatory proceeding­s before the commission­er to just $250 within a 12-month period. The bill never passed, but it was a good idea then and still is. If Lara wants to redeem himself, he would be wise to advocate for similar limits. That would make it harder for him to accidental­ly keep violating his own pledge.

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