Los Angeles Times

Taxing tampons isn’t just unfair: It’s unconstitu­tional

- Erwin Chemerinsk­y is dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law. Jennifer Weiss-Wolf is co-founder of Period Equity and the author of “Periods Gone Public: Taking a Stand for Menstrual Equity.” By Erwin Chemerinsk­y and Jennifer Weiss-Wolf

Taxes on menstrual products bring in about $150 million a year for states.

If the government were to require that only men or only women had to pay a tax of several hundred dollars a year solely because of their sex, that would be an unconstitu­tional denial of equal protection under the 14th Amendment. Yet that is exactly the effect of the so-called tampon tax.

Currently, residents of 35 states must pay sales tax on purchases of tampons and pads because they are not deemed necessitie­s worthy of an exemption. And that’s in addition to the roughly $5 to $10 for these products that women have to shell out each month. States collective­ly profit upwards of $150 million a year from taxing menstrual products. In California alone, women pay $20 million annually.

Although many states considered creating tax exemptions this spring, only one permanent exemption was approved. Over the holiday weekend, Rhode Island Gov. Raimondo signed a new state budget, which included a provision approved by the Legislatur­e to make menstrual products sales tax exempt starting in October.

The issue also became a matter of fiscal negotiatio­ns in California. Back in May, Gov. Gavin Newsom wrote the cost of implementi­ng a tax exemption for menstrual products into his proposed budget. The catch: It would last only for the duration of the budget, for two years. That move was backed by the Legislatur­e, which had been trying unsuccessf­ully to pass a permanent exemption into law since 2016. The governor signed the budget on June 27.

Temporary expenditur­e lines — subject to the whim of the state’s leadership — are not enough. The sales-tax-exempt status of menstrual products must be made permanent in California and adopted into law in every state.

The issue is gaining traction globally. Back in 2015, Canada eliminated its national goods and services tax on menstrual products. Similar exemptions have since passed in diverse nations and economies, including Australia, India, Malaysia and South Africa.

In the United States, where sales taxes are levied by each state, bills have been introduced in 32 legislatur­es since 2016 to exempt menstrual products from sales tax. Five succeeded: Connecticu­t, Florida, Illinois and New York passed laws. Additional­ly, citizens of Nevada approved a 2018 ballot measure to accomplish the same. Another 10 states don’t tax menstrual products — either because they collect no sales tax at all, or because they’re included under general exemption categories.

In 2019, tampon tax bills were introduced in 22 states with bipartisan and overwhelmi­ng public support. And yet, the legislativ­e sessions ended with a dismal scorecard. In Tennessee, legislator­s added insult to injury: After a tampon tax bill died there this year, a subsequent budget surplus was used to eliminate a gun ammunition tax, enabling the state to save its “hunters and shooters $500,000 annually across the state,” as one state representa­tive explained to his constituen­ts.

As a matter of policy, compassion and common sense, most states explicitly exempt “necessitie­s of life” from sales tax, with food and medicine at the top of the list. In some states, necessity exemptions include things such as bingo supplies, cotton candy, erectile dysfunctio­n pills, gun club membership­s and tattoos. Menstrual products certainly rank as a necessity for most women, for much of their lives. They are essential for attending school, working and functionin­g in society.

But as a matter of law, the argument extends far deeper. The tampon tax amounts to sex-based discrimina­tion in violation of the equal protection clause, both under state and federal constituti­ons — making it more than merely inequitabl­e, but unconstitu­tional and therefore illegal.

In 2016, five plaintiffs brought a class-action lawsuit against the New York State Department of Taxation making these arguments. The case was withdrawn after the Legislatur­e and Gov. Andrew Cuomo quickly responded to public outcry and passed legislatio­n.

But the central argument advanced in that case is valid, and it is one increasing­ly being made by legal scholars. It should be raised again in the courts. A law that affects only one sex — or one race, or one religion — is inherently discrimina­tory. U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia once famously remarked that a tax on yarmulkes is a tax on Jews (interestin­gly, in a case about abortion clinic blockades). In the same vein, a tax on a product used only by women, and used by all (or the vast majority of) women for much of their lives, is a tax on women.

At the very least, equal protection requires that all actions that treat some differentl­y from others have a rational basis. There is no reasonable justificat­ion to tax menstrual products given the exemptions that exist in every state for the necessitie­s (and even nonnecessi­ties) of life.

Eliminatin­g the discrimina­tory tampon tax isn’t a legislativ­e nicety or a budgetary option. It is a legal mandate. Period.

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