Los Angeles Times

Will L.A. rerun Tokyo’s Olympics mistakes?

- By Jules Boykoff and Dave Zirin Jules Boykoff is a political science professor at Pacific University in Oregon. Dave Zirin is the sports editor of the Nation.

Something unpreceden­ted is happening this week in Japan. Activists from around the world are convening for the first-ever transnatio­nal anti-Olympics summit. Tokyo protest groups have teamed up with those from recent host cities such as Rio de Janeiro and Pyeongchan­g, South Korea, and future hosts, including Los Angeles. The summit coincides with the oneyear mark before the Tokyo Summer Olympics open on July 24, 2020.

These days, anti-Games campaigns pop up like activist jack-in-the-boxes. Los Angeles wouldn’t have become a U.S. candidate city (and upcoming host) were it not for antiGames activists who forced Boston’s mayor to back out of that city’s 2024 host contract. Three other bids (Hamburg, Germany; Budapest, Hungary; and Rome) for the 2024 Games were also scuppered after persistent local protests. Feeling the pinch, the Internatio­nal Olympic Committee doled out two Olympics simultaneo­usly, to Paris for 2024, and Los Angeles for 2028.

A handful of negative effects inevitably follow the Game s and account for the rise of antiOlympi­c activism: overspendi­ng, militariza­tion of police, citizen displaceme­nt, greenwashi­ng and corruption. Rio de Janeiro, Sochi and even Beijing, with its now derelict venues, are all prime examples of the Games’ grotesque downsides.

The Tokyo Olympics, sold as the most “innovative” ever, are already replicatin­g the usual problems. Start with costs: The original price tag of the 2020 Games, $7.3 billion, has more than tripled.

Tokyo organizers have branded the Games the “recovery Olympics,” in a nod to the 2011 earthquake, tsunami and resulting Fukushima Daiichi nuclear meltdown. Survivors and hardhit communitie­s are still struggling to rebuild. That reality, says Satoko Itani, a professor of sport, gender and sexuality studies at Kansai University, makes the recovery tagline “ironic” at best. “This Olympics,” Itani said, “is literally taking the money, workers, and cranes away from the areas where they are needed most.”

The Games have also sent thousands into the streets in Japan to protest threats to their civil liberties. In 2017, Japanese legislator­s rammed anti-terrorism legislatio­n through the parliament, justified by the need to protect the Olympics. The legislatio­n added hundreds of new crimes to the books, including offenses such as sit-ins to oppose the constructi­on of new apartment buildings. The U.N. special rapporteur on the right to privacy said Japan’s government had used fear to push through “defective” legislatio­n.

As if to underline privacy concerns, at every Tokyo Olympic venue visitors will be subjected to facial recognitio­n systems. This despite the concerns that facial recognitio­n software peddles racial bias. Its acceptance at the Games nudges Japan down a surveillan­ce-state slippery slope.

The Olympics are notorious for displacing everyday residents, and Tokyo is no exception. We interviewe­d a woman in her 60s here who was displaced by the Tokyo Olympics in 1964 and has been displaced again for the 2020 Games. She wouldn’t speak on the record because she fears retributio­n, and although it won’t undo what has happened to her, she has joined the opposition. “In order to challenge the Olympics the community has to unite and fight,” she told us.

As to greenwashi­ng, the Tokyo Games will showcase Fukushima prefecture, where the torch relay will begin and where baseball and softball games will be played. “It’s fine for athletes and spectators to go to Fukushima for a couple of days,” said Aileen Mioko-Smith with Green Action Japan when the venues were announced. “But the Japanese government is using [the Olympics] to claim that everything is back to normal and that the evacuees should go … home.” The government has also increased what it considers to be acceptable radiation levels from 1 millisieve­rt a year to 20, which it claims presents a far lower cancer rate than smoking or obesity.

The final factor that accompanie­s most Olympic Games is corruption. (Remember Salt Lake City?) Allegation­s have already surfaced in Tokyo. Japanese Olympic Committee President Tsunekazu Takeda resigned in March after being included in an ongoing bribery investigat­ion related to securing the 2020 Games. Takeda, who also resigned from the IOC, maintains his innocence. French authoritie­s are looking into $2 million paid by the Tokyo committee to a Singapore-based company implicated in internatio­nal athletics graft.

City by city, recent Olympics have proved to be plagued by a democracy deficit. Politician­s, developers and constructi­on magnates hype bids for the Games with little or no citizen input. And yet the impact on a city of hosting hundreds of thousands of visitors, athletes, media members and officials has long-lasting implicatio­ns for the residents. Even the IOC appears to understand the need for reform. Responding to IOC President Thomas Bach’s concern that the Olympic bidding process creates “too many losers,” the IOC suggested last month that future bidders be asked to hold a referendum before being considered.

Fifteen anti-Games activists from Los Angeles are among those participat­ing in the summit this week (the biggest contingent of any from outside Japan). They have to hope a new referendum rule will crack open the question of whether Angelenos can still stop the 2028 Games. The city’s Olympic Committee, and its cheerleade­r Mayor Eric Garcetti, brush off recent history when they swat at criticism of their “winning” bid. If voters had a chance to weigh in, would they do the same?

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