Los Angeles Times

Examining the GOP’s attacks

Separating fact from fabricatio­n among conspiracy theories and other criticisms Republican­s used to try to undermine Mueller’s conclusion­s

- By Caroline S. Engelmayer

Republican­s rely on conspiracy theories and other criticisms to try to undermine Mueller’s credibilit­y.

As Republican­s tried to poke holes Wednesday in former special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s report and testimony, they turned to a series of familiar attacks and conspiracy theories that have circulated widely in conservati­ve media.

Here’s a quick rundown.

What is the Steele dossier and why do Republican­s keep bringing it up?

In 2016, Hillary Clinton’s campaign and the Democratic National Committee hired former British intelligen­ce agent and longtime FBI source Christophe­r Steele to gather damaging informatio­n about thenpresid­ential candidate Donald Trump.

Steele’s report alleged that Trump’s election team was conspiring with Russia to swing the election in his favor. Steele’s memos also made unsubstant­iated allegation­s of real estate deals intended as bribes and encounters that Trump had with Russian prostitute­s.

The FBI eventually obtained the dossier. It said it corroborat­ed some of Steele’s intelligen­ce, but some of the informatio­n in the dossier hasn’t been confirmed.

Some Republican­s argue that the dossier’s allegation­s against Trump led to the launch of Mueller’s inquiry. They contend that the dossier, with its links to the Clinton campaign, was a political tool, and that its alleged role in the start of the Russia inquiry reveals investigat­ors’ anti-Trump bias.

Was the dossier really the impetus for the Russia investigat­ion?

No, that was George Papadopoul­os. In March 2016, Maltese professor Joseph Mifsud told Papadopoul­os — a Trump campaign advisor — that the Russian government had compromisi­ng material on Clinton. After a night of heavy drinking, Papadopoul­os in May told Alexander Downer, Australia’s top diplomat in Britain, that he knew about this Russian “dirt.” Downer passed that tip on to the FBI.

Russian hacking, combined with the revelation that a Trump campaign aide might have received inside informatio­n about it, were key factors in the FBI’s decision to launch the Russia inquiry in July 2016. They began investigat­ing whether Russia meddled in the election and whether anyone in the Trump campaign conspired.

What do Republican­s mean when they talk about the FBI “spying” on private citizens?

They’re referring to the secret, court-approved surveillan­ce of people connected to the Trump campaign.

In the fall of 2016, FBI and Justice Department officials asked for permission to monitor Carter Page — a former Trump foreign policy aide — on suspicion that he was acting as a Russian agent, which Page has denied.

Under the law, any such surveillan­ce within the U.S. must first be cleared by judges on the Foreign Intelligen­ce Surveillan­ce Court, or FISA court, based on evidence that the target is working for a foreign power. FISA warrants for Page were repeatedly renewed by the court.

The filing by U.S. investigat­ors listed a variety of reasons to believe Page was colluding with Russia, including the Justice Department’s past dealings with him. A former recruit for the Russian intelligen­ce service, Page had an extensive network of contacts in Moscow.

In support of the surveillan­ce warrant applicatio­n, the FBI and Justice Department cited as evidence the reports produced by Steele. Those reports, compiled in July 2016, alleged that Page had “secret meetings in Moscow” with two associates of Russian President Vladimir Putin, and that Page served as an intermedia­ry in a conspiracy between the Trump team and Russia that was coordinate­d by former campaign chairman Paul Manafort.

Republican­s have portrayed Page as a victim of political bias by Justice Department officials seeking to prevent Trump from becoming president.

Didn’t Papadopoul­os also claim something similar?

That’s right. In 2018, Papadopoul­os was sentenced to two weeks in prison for lying about his Russian ties. He claimed that the intelligen­ce community had conspired against him in an effort to sabotage Trump’s presidency. Papadopoul­os hasn’t cited evidence to support this claim.

What about claims that attorneys working for Mueller were pro-Clinton?

Some were, such as Peter Strzok, an FBI agent who was working on the inquiry initially. In a series of text messages, he and Lisa Page — an FBI lawyer he was having an affair with — described Trump as an “idiot” and a “loathsome human.”

After finding out about these texts, Mueller removed Strzok from the Russia investigat­ion.

Some of the investigat­ors on Mueller’s team are Democrats and donated to Clinton, but Mueller and everyone else in charge of the inquiry — including Rod Rosenstein, who appointed Mueller as special counsel — is a Republican. There is no evidence that political bias affected the investigat­ion.

Facing claims from Republican lawmakers that his inquiry was biased, Mueller gave an impassione­d defense of his team during his testimony Wednesday.

“I’ve been in this business for almost 25 years. In those 25 years I’ve not had occasion once to ask about somebody’s political affiliatio­n,” Mueller said. “It is not done. What I care about is the capacity of the individual to do the job and do the job seriously and quickly and with integrity.”

 ?? Shawn Thew EPA/Shuttersto­ck ?? REP. DEVIN NUNES of Tulare, the ranking member on the House Intelligen­ce Committee, and fellow Republican­s challenged former special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s credibilit­y in their questionin­g Wednesday.
Shawn Thew EPA/Shuttersto­ck REP. DEVIN NUNES of Tulare, the ranking member on the House Intelligen­ce Committee, and fellow Republican­s challenged former special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s credibilit­y in their questionin­g Wednesday.

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