Los Angeles Times

How the government failed us on opioids

Patients need far more transparen­cy from regulators on drug safety.

- Charles L. Bennett is a physician and director of the SmartState Center for Medication Safety and Efficacy at the University of South Carolina. William Kennedy Smith is a physician and an assistant professor at the Uniformed Services University of the He

If you believe that the federal government and the pharmaceut­ical manufactur­ers are effectivel­y working together to protect patients from unsafe drugs, you might want to consider a trove of records released in an Ohio court case last month.

The documents were unsealed, over the objections of the federal government and drug companies, in a landmark, multi-district opioid lawsuit, and they give new insight into an unparallel­ed epidemic. The first disclosure­s came in mid-July, when the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals released previously unavailabl­e informatio­n contained in a Drug Enforcemen­t Administra­tion database known as ARCOS. It revealed that between 2006 and 2012, some 76 billion opioid pills were distribute­d in the United States — more than 200 pills for every man, woman and child.

A few days later, more documents in the case were released, and they painted a damning picture of the tension between drug company profits and patient safety during the time opioid sales were climbing dramatical­ly. In one 2009 exchange, a pharmaceut­ical company representa­tive emailed a colleague at another company to alert him to a pill shipment. “Keep ’em comin’!” was the response. “Flyin’ out of there. It’s like people are addicted to these things or something. Oh, wait, people are.”

And where were federal regulators while all those opioids were f lying off shelves? The DEA filed a number of civil actions against drug distributo­rs for failing to report suspicious opiate orders, collecting some $500 million in fines, according to the Washington Post. But as the opioid epidemic has made blatantly clear, the federal bureaucrac­y is simply not up to the task of adequately monitoring and controllin­g dangerous pharmaceut­icals.

The failings are at every point in the system, starting with drug approvals. But we believe there is a particular­ly serious problem with the mechanisms for identifyin­g, monitoring and disseminat­ing informatio­n about issues with a drug after its release.

Once a drug is approved for market, the FDA relies on an informal and ineffectiv­e system of case reports and citizens’ petitions to alert it to problems and adverse events. In the past, case reports, submitted to medical journals by physicians, served as an important mechanism for detailing drug toxicity. But today, because of changes to editorial guidelines, peer-reviewed journals rarely accept such reports for publicatio­n.

Citizens’ petitions, in which any citizen can petition the FDA to report adverse drug effects, are intended to be another check. But the petition process is cumbersome, and they are rarely granted. Of the 1,915 Citizens Petitions filed in the 12-year period between 2001 and 2013, a total of 13 were granted. Many go unanswered altogether. That was the case with a citizen’s petition filed by then-Connecticu­t Atty. Gen. Richard Blumenthal in 2004 requesting issuance of a warning with regard to opioids. He received no answer until he filed suit demanding an agency response.

A good starting point for reforming the system would be increased transparen­cy about drugs already recognized as particular­ly dangerous. These drugs, currently numbering about 70 (including opioids), carry the FDA’s so-called “black box warning,” intended to alert patients and their doctors to the high risks associated with the drugs. But that is not enough.

We propose a “black box” database or “registry,” publicly available and simple to use, that would contain extensive informatio­n about where, by whom and for what purpose black box drugs are prescribed, as well as where and in what quantities such drugs are being distribute­d and sold. Informatio­n about adverse side effects, culled from the myriad of government databases that now collect them, would also be consolidat­ed in an open form and format.

Comprehens­ive registries similar to the kind we propose have been highly successful. The National Library of Medicine’s clinicaltr­ials.gov, for example, provides patients and doctors with comprehens­ive informatio­n about clinical trials being conducted around the world.

Drug manufactur­ers are likely to argue against a black box database, saying it could give an unfair advantage to competitor­s. That was also the argument made by the government and pharmaceut­ical companies in opposing release of the ARCOS data in the Ohio lawsuit. But the government’s duty is to protect its citizens, not the drug companies.

Is there a chance that the existence of a black box registry would decrease the use of those drugs? Possibly, and that would be a good thing. Too often black box warnings are seen as meaningles­s, and they are counteract­ed with marketing campaigns that promote off-label use. If adding more transparen­cy, thought and effort to the prescripti­on and sale of dangerous drugs winds up decreasing their use, that will likely be a beneficial side effect.

This modest reform does not go far enough, of course. The criteria and processes surroundin­g the applicatio­n of black box warnings need to be more defined and transparen­t. And there should also be a comprehens­ive revision of regulation­s pertaining to drug approvals, monitoring and patient safety in general. But an accessible database to inform patients about the very real risks of black box drugs would be an important first step.

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