Los Angeles Times

How Warren took down Obama nominee

In 2014, she mobilized progressiv­es to keep a Wall Street executive out of a Treasury post.

- By Noah Bierman

WASHINGTON — In 2014, two years after she was first elected to the Senate, Elizabeth Warren took on President Obama in an unlikely fight that cemented her status as a leader of the Democratic Party’s progressiv­e wing.

The Massachuse­tts Democrat turned a littleknow­n nominee for an obscure Treasury Department job into a poster child for Wall Street’s controvers­ial ties to Democrats.

Warren won — stopping Antonio Weiss, the former head of investment banking for the financial advisory firm Lazard, from becoming undersecre­tary for domestic finance.

It was an early sign of Warren’s ability to galvanize liberals, much as she’s doing in the 2020 presidenti­al race, by stoking long-simmering intraparty battles. Warren and Obama clashed over policy, tactics and personnel, boosting her profile but drawing accusation­s of grandstand­ing and rigidity.

“Nobody had ever tanked a nomination that he sent,” said Murshed Zaheed, a progressiv­e activist. “She took a direct shot.”

Warren’s tactics also showed she was willing to take personal shots at her targets — in this case one she had never met.

At one point, the former Harvard professor mocked Weiss’ affiliatio­n with a storied literary magazine, the Paris Review, turning up the kind of populist rage that President Trump would later exploit from the right.

“People say opposition to Mr. Weiss is unreasonab­le because ... he likes poetry,” Warren told financial reform advocates at a Senate event.

“Supposedly, because he helps publish a literary magazine called Paris Review, we should trust that he will zealously pursue financial reform,” she said. “... I don’t read many literary magazines. But really? If he liked monster truck racing, would that show that he supported Wall Street bailouts?”

Weiss withdrew from considerat­ion for the position, but went on to work as a counselor to the Treasury secretary, effectivel­y doing the job without the title. Years later, even some of Warren’s left-leaning allies think she picked the wrong target.

“She was wrong about that,” said Barney Frank, a former Massachuse­tts congressma­n who co-wrote the Dodd-Frank financial reform bill that gave Warren an influentia­l perch in Washington.

One of Warren’s allies, who requested anonymity to stay out of the spat, called Weiss “a model public servant” who protected key provisions of the Dodd-Frank financial regulation act and helped pensioners in Puerto Rico in the island’s 2014 debt crisis.

“Weiss personally made that his mission, to get something that would protect workers and retirees,” said another person who worked with Weiss and Warren and requested anonymity to avoid getting involved in the presidenti­al contest. “He wasn’t standing up for the banks.”

Warren and Weiss, now a senior fellow at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, declined to comment, and Warren declined to answer a written question about the episode. But Weiss later developed a productive relationsh­ip with Warren and her staff, according to several people, including an aide to Warren.

Weiss always faced a difficult path to confirmati­on. Obama nominated him in November 2014, eight days after Democrats lost badly in midterm congressio­nal elections, giving Republican­s control of the Senate.

Some Democrats believed Weiss could win Senate approval in the brief lame-duck period when they still held the majority. If not, they’d need to compromise with Republican­s.

Warren blew those plans up when she came out against Weiss days after he was nominated.

She cited roughly $20 million in stock awards he was given when he left Lazard, and his work advising Burger King and Tim Horton’s, a Canadian doughnut chain, on a merger that allowed the combined company to take advantage of Canada’s lower corporate tax rate.

But most of all, she cited his time on Wall Street.

Warren had been frustrated for years with the Democratic establishm­ent’s close relationsh­ip with Wall Street. Many on the left were still angry over Obama’s support for legislatio­n bailing out big banks during the 2008 financial crisis, while giving less relief to people who lost their homes.

And through all of that, Warren was fighting off efforts to weaken DoddFrank, not trusting Obama’s advisors to protect the law from what she called “an army of lobbyists.”

Warren helped thwart other Obama nominees, including former Harvard President Lawrence Summers as chairman of the Federal Reserve board in 2013.

She also led a revolt against a 2014 spending deal with Republican­s, nearly causing a government shutdown, because of a provision she said would “let derivative­s traders on Wall Street gamble with taxpayer money and get bailed out by the government when their risky bets threaten to blow up our financial system.” She backed down in the end.

Weiss’ defenders argued that the Obama donor was a liberal Democrat who said in one paper, for example, that higher taxes were a better way to balance the budget than spending cuts. His financial firm, Lazard, was not one of the big banks fighting Dodd-Frank regulation­s and had not received a bailout.

The anti-elitist argument may have seemed rich coming from Warren. She was once Harvard’s highest-paid law professor, and had represente­d corporate clients in lawsuits, including one involving coal miners’ health benefits that put her at odds with their union.

And when she set up the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau for Obama in 2010, she picked a banker as her top deputy.

None of that mattered once she laid out her case against Weiss in an article in the Huffington Post.

“At a minimum, the theory was that he would get a fair hearing and a fair lineup of meetings” with senators, said one person familiar with the process who requested anonymity to avoid angering Warren. “The mood just shifted so quickly. There was not really an opportunit­y to make the case.”

Progressiv­e groups, many of whom had never heard of Weiss, took Warren’s side immediatel­y, signing petitions and calling Democratic Senate offices.

“It was a moment of coming out with a bang,” said Neil Sroka, communicat­ions director for Democracy for America, a liberal political group. “It was kind of like a massive show of progressiv­e power.”

The negative publicity proved too much for many Democratic senators, who began announcing their own objections, leading Weiss to withdraw his name.

“We strongly believe that the opposition to his nomination was not justified,” an Obama spokeswoma­n said at the time.

Months later, as Warren urged opposition to Obama’s proposed trans-Pacific trade deal, he made clear his frustratio­n with her aura of ideologica­l purity.

“Elizabeth is ... a politician like everybody else,” Obama told Yahoo News, rejecting her argument that the pact would threaten consumer financial protection­s.

 ?? Chip Somodevill­a Getty Images ?? ELIZABETH WARREN showed in a 2014 confirmati­on battle that she was willing to take personal shots at her targets and go against her own party’s leaders.
Chip Somodevill­a Getty Images ELIZABETH WARREN showed in a 2014 confirmati­on battle that she was willing to take personal shots at her targets and go against her own party’s leaders.

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