Los Angeles Times

The cult of Kim lives on

Speculatio­n that North Korea’s leader is ill or dead underscore­s the power of the myth

- By Victoria Kim

SEOUL — When North Korea’s Kim Jong Un appeared in state media late last year galloping across a snow-covered Mt. Paektu atop a white steed, the overthe-top image drew much ridicule and parody from bemused outsiders.

But to North Koreans steeped in state propaganda from a young age and observers tracking the country’s leadership, the image was an unmistakab­le allusion to the mythology surroundin­g Kim and the bloodline from which he descends, central to the agitprop legitimizi­ng Kim’s third-generation rule.

After all, Mt. Paektu is considered a sacred revolution­ary site in the isolated nation, the place where the country’s founder and Kim’s grandfathe­r, Kim Il Sung, is said to have battled Japanese colonial forces on horseback, and where Kim’s father, Kim Jong Il, was purportedl­y born.

Even as the ranks of autocrats who commanded their population­s through cults of personalit­y have thinned over the decades — Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, Libya’s Moammar Kadafi, Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez disappeari­ng into history one after the other — North Korea’s Kim dynasty has endured, outlasting the end of the Cold War, the dawn of the smartphone-enabled informatio­n age and the death of the first Kim, then the second.

Kim has perplexed U.S. presidents, amused and frightened diplomats, entertaine­d former NBA star Dennis Rodman and in

spired “Saturday Night Live” jokes and Hollywood caricature­s. “The Interview,” a satirical film starring Seth Rogen about Kim’s fictional assassinat­ion, so infuriated the leader that his government reportedly ordered a cyberattac­k against Sony Pictures Entertainm­ent in 2014.

The recent internatio­nal flap over the Kim’s health — as-yet-unconfirme­d reports ranging from him convalesci­ng after a medical procedure to being gravely ill to having fallen into a vegetative state — unleashed panicked speculatio­n over what would happen in the event of his death or incapacita­tion, showing how the fate of the country is still seen as inextricab­ly linked to that of one much-hyped individual.

“North Korea, more so than any other country, is defined as one person, when there are 25 million other people,” said Sokeel Park, director of research and strategy for the group Liberty in North Korea, which helps refugees fleeing the repressive country.

“That system is so based around having one Kim leader,” he said. “It looks like it would be very hard for someone not a Kim to be the top figure and to hold it together.”

Rumors about Kim’s health intensifie­d after his absence on April 15, his grandfathe­r’s birthday and North Korea’s most important holiday, celebrated as the “Day of the Sun.”

In past years, Kim was always seen paying his respects at the mausoleum where the embalmed bodies of his father and grandfathe­r are enshrined in glass. This year, state media showed only a flower basket with a ribbon bearing his name.

The dictator — with his nuclear ambitions and bulletproo­f train — again loomed large in the world’s imaginatio­n. Despite South Korean authoritie­s repeatedly playing down reports of Kim’s illness, his prolonged absence — he was last seen April 11 — has fueled a host of theories about his well-being. Informatio­n about Kim’s health is a secret that only a handful of people inside the country would be privy to, calling into question the veracity of various reports.

“How can anybody say? I don’t even think high-level intelligen­ce officials in the U.S. or South Korea would know,” said Rachel Minyoung Lee, a former longtime North Korea media analyst for the U.S. government.

Months before Kim held formal government titles, state propagandi­sts got to work exalting him. A triumphant song glorifying Kim, “Footsteps,” was widely taught to the North Korean people beginning in early 2009.

Legendary stories about his language proficienc­y, marksmansh­ip and driving prowess from a young age added to the myth. His striking physical resemblanc­e to his grandfathe­r, channeling his clothing, gait and corpulence, secured his place as the latest iteration of the country’s preordaine­d leadership.

Kim the Third, who was not yet 30 when he took power after his father’s death in 2011, exceeded the world’s expectatio­ns by managing to exude the godlike aura that had surrounded his father and grandfathe­r, even as internatio­nal sanctions choked the country’s economy and informatio­n about the outside world increasing­ly penetrated its northern border with China.

He matured into a riddle who could unnerve the planet with defiant missives and undergroun­d explosions. If any among the North Korean elite harbored doubts about Kim’s leadership, they quickly learned to keep silent. Kim set about brutally eliminatin­g threats to his power, executing his own uncle and having his half brother killed by a nerve agent. Average North Koreans caught escaping the country were also subject to harsher crackdowns after his takeover.

Far more comfortabl­e in the public eye than his diminutive, reserved father, Kim appeared to win favor among North Koreans by putting an emphasis on modernizin­g the country’s impoverish­ed economy, building snazzy high-rise apartments and resorts, and in effect condoning a network of unofficial markets that gave rise to a newly moneyed middle class.

Above all, Kim stunned domestic and internatio­nal audiences in 2018 when he secured something his grandfathe­r and father never did: a summit with a sitting U.S. president. Appearing alongside an attention-grabbing American president more than twice his age, Kim seemed to hold his own.

He basked in the internatio­nal limelight shaking the hand of President Trump, who months earlier had mocked him as “Rocket Man,” alluding to his many missile tests. But Trump quickly pivoted, praising Kim’s smarts in hopes of securing a deal that had eluded his predecesso­rs. Kim sauntered about tourist sites in Singapore, waving to fascinated crowds yelling his name.

“Kim Jong Un is really the one who’s controllin­g the pace and scope of what’s happening diplomatic­ally,” arms control and foreign affairs scholar Gary Samore said in a panel at the Council on Foreign Relations after the summit. “Kim Jong Un has really just been masterful.”

Even South Koreans, technicall­y still at war with their northern neighbors and whose imminent destructio­n is at Kim’s fingertips, seemed charmed with his debut on the world stage. After Kim’s first meeting with South Korean President Moon Jae-in, more than three-quarters of those polled in one survey said they found Kim trustworth­y.

The high-stakes statecraft also boosted Kim domestical­ly.

“You saw a lot of movement on the part of the state propaganda apparatus after [a subsequent summit, in 2019, with Trump in] Hanoi to further cement his leadership. The level of propaganda went up noticeably,” said Lee, the media analyst. “It was about North Korea being at the same level as the world’s great powers, how Kim Jong Un raised North Korea’s dignity.”

With no independen­t media to speak of or any freedom of expression, it’s difficult to know to what extent the present-day North Korean public buys the unalloyed rhetoric about Kim.

Despite crackdowns, South Korean and Chinese movies and television shows are widely available on smuggled thumb drives, offering glimpses of the world beyond. In one 2016 report by the U.S. think tank Center for Strategic and Internatio­nal Studies that surveyed 36 North Koreans still living in the country, all but one said their friends, family or neighbors would complain or crack jokes about the government in private.

“It’s not black and white, like people assume from the outside. You can support some policies and be frustrated with other policies,” said Park of Liberty in North Korea. “The cult of personalit­y still holds for some people.”

Lim Jae-cheon, a professor at South Korea’s Korea University and a scholar on North Korean leadership, said that even if the strength of the cult of personalit­y had been weakened by outside informatio­n in recent years, Kim’s death or serious illness would nonetheles­s be earth-shattering for most North Koreans.

“The idolizatio­n is institutio­nalized and internaliz­ed within the people’s psyche, and becomes accepted as natural,” he said. “That social control has been rigorously maintained.”

 ?? Korean Central News Agency ?? NORTH KOREAN leader Kim Jong Un rides last year on Mt. Paektu, an image that fed the dynastic myth inside the country and inspired ridicule elsewhere.
Korean Central News Agency NORTH KOREAN leader Kim Jong Un rides last year on Mt. Paektu, an image that fed the dynastic myth inside the country and inspired ridicule elsewhere.
 ?? Photograph­s by Korean Central News Agency ?? KIM JONG UN, shown visiting a soldier’s family in 2013, has not been seen in public since April 11, giving rise to rumor. Informatio­n about the leader’s health is a secret that only a few people in North Korea would know.
Photograph­s by Korean Central News Agency KIM JONG UN, shown visiting a soldier’s family in 2013, has not been seen in public since April 11, giving rise to rumor. Informatio­n about the leader’s health is a secret that only a few people in North Korea would know.
 ??  ?? “NORTH KOREA, more so than any other country, is defined as one person,” a North Korea expert says.
“NORTH KOREA, more so than any other country, is defined as one person,” a North Korea expert says.

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