Los Angeles Times

Why California needs affirmativ­e action

Repeal 1996 constituti­onal amendment that reinforced patterns of discrimina­tion.

- By Jennifer Lee Jennifer Lee is a professor of sociology at Columbia University and president of the Eastern Sociologic­al Society.

In November, a new generation of California voters will have the opportunit­y to restore affirmativ­e action in the state. Assembly Constituti­onal Amendment 5 will be on the ballot, giving voters the chance to repeal Propositio­n 209, which banned the considerat­ion of race, sex or ethnicity in public employment, contractin­g and education in 1996, nearly a quarter of a century ago.

Supporters of affirmativ­e action hail ACA 5 as a way to address historical and systematic racial, ethnic and gender inequaliti­es, while opponents decry it as a form of categorica­l discrimina­tion that privileges race and gender over merit. One contingent of opponents are politicall­y conservati­ve Asian immigrants, who claim that reinstatin­g affirmativ­e action will harm their children by placing an Asian quota on university admissions.

This view is wrong — the amendment will not result in racial quotas, which have been ruled unconstitu­tional since 1978. In fact, reversing Propositio­n 209 will help, not harm, Asian Americans.

First, Propositio­n 209 did not increase the rate of Asian American admissions to the University of California system. Instead, Asian Americans were admitted at nearly the same rate before and after the ban on affirmativ­e action. The group that had the largest decline in admissions were white people, while Latinos had the largest gain. Asian American and African American admissions rates remained largely the same.

Second, by focusing solely on university admissions, Asian American opponents fail to consider how affirmativ­e action in other domains, such as employment, is needed to break through blocked mobility and the career ceiling they face. College-educated, U.S.-born Asians fall behind their white counterpar­ts in earnings, and also behind all groups in advancemen­t beyond entry-level profession­al positions.

Recent reports of top technology firms in Silicon Valley show that Asians are the least likely racial group to be promoted into managerial and executive positions. White men and women are twice as likely as Asian men and women, respective­ly, to advance into the executive ranks.

A similar pattern emerges in law where Asians make up 10% of graduates of top-30 law schools, but only 6.5% of all federal judicial law clerks. And while they are the largest minority group in major law firms, Asian Americans have the highest attrition rates and lowest ratio of partners to associates.

Even in academia, where Asian Americans are overrepres­ented as students in elite universiti­es, they are nearly absent in leadership ranks, making up only 2% of college presidents, far below the percentage of Black and Latino college presidents at 8% and 4%, respective­ly. Asians are not well represente­d among the ranks of tenured professors either. Take Harvard, for example, which is fighting a court case to keep affirmativ­e action in place. The current freshman class is 25% Asian American, but among Harvard’s tenured professors, only 11% are Asian. And there is a stark gender divide: 8% are Asian men, and a mere 3% are Asian women. By far, the majority of Harvard’s tenured professors are white— 80%.

Third, the race-neutral policies are ineffectiv­e in addressing racial realities, as Asian Americans are finding with the rise in anti-Asian hate since the COVID-19 outbreak. President Trump has stoked antiAsian discrimina­tion by calling it the “Chinese virus” and most recently “kung flu.” Nearly 1,900 cases of Asian harassment have been reported, ranging from verbal insults to beatings and stabbings.

Fortunatel­y, the majority of Asian Americans recognize the continued significan­ce of race. Nearly two-thirds of Asian American registered voters support affirmativ­e action: 65% favored or strongly favored affirmativ­e action, with only 25% opposed or strongly opposed.

Moreover, U.S.-born Asians, and especially third-and-highergene­ration Asians (those whose parents and grandparen­ts were born in the U.S.), are significan­tly more likely to support affirmativ­e action than Asian immigrants, according to the 2016 National Asian American Survey. More recent immigrants may be less likely to understand the origins of affirmativ­e action, and also less likely to experience the effects of systematic discrimina­tion.

It’s crucial that this new generation of Asian Americans advocates for a more equitable opportunit­y structure that will help them and all marginaliz­ed population­s, including in higher education, contractin­g and the workplace. Antiaffirm­ative action laws like Propositio­n 209 never “leveled the playing field,” but instead reinforced patterns of historic discrimina­tion.

The majority of Asian Americans have shown time and again that they support affirmativ­e action. They will need to prove it in November at the ballot box.

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