Los Angeles Times

Trump’s pardons trample our principles

Clemency for corrupt congressme­n and war criminals opens up the nastiest Trump pardon cesspit yet.

- HARRY LITMAN @ HarryLitma­n

President Trump’s latest spate of pardons hits a new low in treachery and derelictio­n of duty. In no aspect of his presidency has Trump acted more immorally and done more damage to the rule of law and constituti­onal norms than in his exercise of the pardon power. But Tuesday’s and Wednesday’s spree opens up a whole new perverse chapter of disgrace for the most disgracefu­l of all our presidents.

From the start, Trump’s pardons have been legally repugnant and, in some cases, patently corrupt. They have two general themes: erase or discredit the consequenc­es of the Robert S. Mueller III probe into Trump’s 2016 campaign’s Russia connection­s, and reward certain reprehensi­ble cronies — remember Arizona’s former Sheriff Joe Arpaio and Dinesh D’Souza?

Some argue that Trump’s pardons are beyond denunciati­on because clemency and commutatio­n, like so much of executive power, partake of a mix of personal and public- spirited motives and the two can be hard to tease apart. But Trump is always an extreme case; his acts of “mercy” are driven almost exclusivel­y by self- interest, with little to no identifiab­le alloy of public purpose.

Among the pre- Christmas wave, Paul Manafort, Roger Stone ( whose earlier commutatio­n was upped to a pardon), George Papadopoul­os and Alex van der Zwann all fit into the category of Muellerinq­uiry pardons, as did Michael Flynn, who got his get- out- jail- free card before Thanksgivi­ng. According to the official White House pardon statements for these men, Trump’s actions correct “the wrong that Mueller’s team inf licted on so many people,” righting “the injustices” of the Russia investigat­ion.

Just the opposite is true. The Mueller report, out of some combinatio­n of Department of Justice policy and the special counsel’s reticence, didn’t go as far as the law and evidence could and should have taken it. Now Trump’s pardons go a good ways toward closing the circle and permanentl­y obscuring the facts of the Russian attack on the 2016 election.

Another of Trump’s final- days orders covers Ivanka Trump’s father- in- law, Charles Kushner, who pleaded guilty to charges of lying, witness tampering and tax evasion. Consider it the possible gateway to a self- dealing, family clemency jamboree — including the possibilit­y of preemptive pardons for Jared Kushner and the Trump children.

As bad as these pardons are, the clemency grants to three former Republican members of the House of Representa­tives, all convicted of massive corruption, and four Blackwater military contractor­s, who killed 14 unarmed Iraqi civilians, open up an even nastier pardon cesspit.

It’s no exaggerati­on to say that one of the Justice Department’s defining missions is prosecutin­g dirty politician­s. A special section is carved out for it, staffed by elite attorneys who take great pride in applying the law to the nation’s most inf luential and powerful citizens without fear or favor. All of which means Trump’s pardons for former GOP Reps. Chris Collins of New York, Duncan Hunter of California and Steve Stockman of Texas — who were guilty of insider trading, stealing hundreds of thousands in campaign money and robbing a charity, respective­ly — delivered an especially brutal kick in the teeth to the Department of Justice.

As to the pardons for the four ex- Blackwater contractor­s — Nicholas Slatten, Paul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard — they are equally gratuitous and more immoral. Holding Blackwater’s contractor­s to account took seven years of arduous work on the part of government prosecutor­s. The massacre the guards were responsibl­e for in Iraq did disastrous damage to the United States’ internatio­nal standing. To the extent that the Department of Justice’s conviction­s repaired that damage, Trump’s indulgence­s wipes it out again. It’s hard to imagine a more shoddy and demoralizi­ng gesture.

In any other administra­tion, the Department of Justice would have weighed in on the president’s pardon decisions. Did Atty. Gen. William Barr, whose last day in charge was Wednesday, or any other department official push back against pardons that are a gut punch to its most important institutio­nal interests?

In order to receive a pardon, petitioner­s are supposed to have served their sentences, demonstrat­ed genuine remorse for their crimes and led a productive life afterward. Such requiremen­ts are just one more joke to Trump — by a conservati­ve estimate, more than half of his pre- Christmas pardons went to people who did not meet Justice Department criteria.

Trump’s pardons exemplify the abuse of power, and the worst of them go beyond caprice or even score- settling to the demolition of core Justice Department functions. Granting clemency to war criminals and corrupt congressme­n has a grotesque sort of purity that proves the rule of this presidency: With Donald Trump, there is no bottom.

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