Los Angeles Times

Can Biden’s new spymaster turn around the CIA?

- By Chris Whipple Chris Whipple is the author most recently of “The Spymasters: How the CIA Directors Shape History and the Future.”

Abused, insulted and threatened for four years by Donald Trump, who once compared the intelligen­ce community to “Nazi Germany,” the Central Intelligen­ce Agency has been an institutio­n under great stress.

William Burns, President-elect Joe Biden’s nominee to be the next CIA director, will take over an agency with an unfocused mission, low morale and attacks on its integrity. But despite his not having worked at the agency, Burns’ deep foreign policy experience as a former ambassador to Russia and Jordan and his familiarit­y with national security issues should help him repair the damage.

The CIA has had plenty of failed directors. Yet it has often found the right directors at the right time. After the disastrous CIA-led invasion of the Bay of Pigs, John McCone helped President Kennedy handle the Cuban missile crisis, preventing the agency from being dismantled. President George H.W. Bush, who was the CIA director in 1976, and William Webster, who became director in the late 1980s, helped the agency find its bearings after the Watergate and Iran-Contra scandals.

But the most successful modern director was Leon Panetta, President Obama’s appointee, who turned the page on George W. Bush’s post-9/11 era of “black sites” and “enhanced interrogat­ion techniques.” Panetta was a CIA outsider, with little intelligen­ce experience. But few could match his political shrewdness, honed as a longtime congressma­n and President Clinton’s White House chief of staff.

Burns fits the Panetta mold. Like Panetta, Burns will have the ear of the president — a relationsh­ip of critical importance. The director commands an army of analysts, an air force of lethal drones, and a covert paramilita­ry force — but if he or she does not have the president’s confidence, the agency cannot carry out its mission.

“The CIA director has one protector and one customer, and if you can’t get that relationsh­ip right, then the agency is screwed,” says Robert Gates, a former director. James Woolsey, Clinton’s first CIA director, didn’t get along with the boss — and never met with Clinton alone. When, in a freak accident, a small plane crashed on the South Lawn of the White House, killing its pilot, Woolsey quipped: “That was me, trying to get a meeting with the president.” Burns, a longtime, trusted confidant of the presidente­lect, will not have that problem with Biden.

As important as access is being able to tell the president hard truths. Trump’s first CIA director, Michael R. Pompeo, rarely did that. In fact, he was a master at parroting Trumpian lies — including the false claim that Iran was in violation of the Iran nuclear agreement. As deputy secretary of State, Burns helped to negotiate that agreement, and will now have to try to resuscitat­e it.

Pompeo’s successor, Gina Haspel, the first woman to run the CIA, was often absent when called to testify publicly about things Trump didn’t want to hear. And she reportedly egged on Trump’s controvers­ial decision, in January 2020, to kill Iranian Gen. Qassem Suleimani with a lethal drone strike. Traditiona­lly, CIA directors serve as “honest brokers” of intelligen­ce and stay out of policy decisions. Burns, a career diplomat f luent in Russian and Arabic, knows how to deliver bad news, and Biden, unlike Trump, is likely to listen.

Burns will need all his diplomatic skills to reverse the politiciza­tion and damage done to the agency by Trump — including firing inspectors general, threatenin­g whistleblo­wers with execution and installing partisan apparatchi­ks.

He should be forewarned that outsiders are not always welcomed with open arms at Langley. Insular and fiercely tribal, the CIA can devour new directors “like Scottish tribes waiting for the English king,” says Cofer Black, a legendary former operative. Yet Black and other former operatives praise Burns’ appointmen­t. “Bill knows how diplomacy and intelligen­ce work together,” one of them told me. Burns is no stranger to the world of covert operations, having worked closely with the CIA’s station in Jordan, one of the agency’s busiest, during his stint as ambassador.

Still, a few tips may be in order. The new director should avoid bringing in his own deputies or advisors; previous directors who have done so have crashed and burned. Making special demands is also dangerous. On his first day as CIA director, Gen. David Petraeus succumbed to what one wag called “four-star general disease”; he ordered that his bananas be specially sliced. It took him months to recover from the ridicule.

Burns’ agenda will involve assessing the catastroph­ic cyber breach by Russia, stopping China’s intellectu­al property theft, shoring up defenses against terrorism, fixing outmoded technology, improving diversity in the CIA staff, addressing the quandaries of drone warfare and strengthen­ing whistleblo­wer protection­s. Burns may even have to weigh in on whether to bar Trump from receiving classified briefings when he leaves office Jan. 20.

Panetta discovered that little things could make a difference even with jaded spies. He got rid of the fancy china in his office and poured his own coffee in a mug marked “CIA.” He told lousy jokes, and even brought his dog, a golden retriever, to lighten the mood at counter-terrorism meetings. Burns, who has spent a career in diplomacy, surely knows the value of having a human touch.

William Burns, a career diplomat, might change how the work of spies fits into American diplomacy.

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