Los Angeles Times

El Salvador leader consolidat­es power

Nayib Bukele’s solid election gains raise fears of ‘authoritar­ian tendencies’ some critics see in him.

- By Patrick J. McDonnell and Alexander Renderos Times staff writer McDonnell reported from Mexico City and special correspond­ent Renderos from El Salvador.

SAN SALVADOR — A year ago, the president of El Salvador denounced the opposition-controlled congress as a collection of “criminals” and stormed into the legislativ­e palace with heavily armed troops and police in riot gear.

The show of force — a failed attempt to win approval of a $109-million loan for military and law enforcemen­t equipment to crack down on gang violence — was widely assailed as one of the darkest points in El Salvador’s history since a bloody civil war ended in 1992.

Now, it looks as though President Nayib Bukele won’t have to worry anymore about lawmakers thwarting his agenda.

The 39-year-old leader stood in a singular position of power Monday after his party won a landslide victory in midterm balloting held a day earlier in this Central American nation of 6.5 million.

Initial results showed his New Ideas party set to win 56 of 84 seats in the Legislativ­e Assembly, the country’s unicameral congress. An allied bloc was expected to win an additional five seats, likely giving Bukele the ability to name the attorney general, Supreme Court justices and fill other key posts and pass laws despite any objections from other political parties.

It was a triumph of unpreceden­ted scope since the country emerged from the war — which left more than 75,000 dead — and set out on an uneven path toward democracy.

The victory was so complete that many critics at home and abroad worried of an accelerate­d drift toward one-man rule by a president who has been accused of authoritar­ian tendencies.

Left in tatters is the previous system dominated by two major parties, both with origins in the war.

Local media projected that only 14 seats would go to the right-wing Nationalis­t Republican Alliance, or Arena, which governed the country between 1989 and 2009.

And just four seats were expected to go to the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, or FMLN, formerly the leftist guerrilla force that fought the U.S.backed government during the war.

“We are writing the history of our country,” a triumphant Bukele declared Monday in a Twitter message to his more than 2.3 million followers.

Since taking office nearly two years ago, Bukele has constantly demonized the opposition, the press and most anyone who objected to his bare-knuckles brand of populist politics. He has appointed family members to his government, ignored Supreme Court rulings and legislativ­e directives and sent accused violators of his

strict pandemic lockdown into detention.

Last month, Bukele sent a Twitter message insinuatin­g that the FMLN had orchestrat­ed the shooting deaths of two of its supporters after a campaign rally in a bid to attract sympathy to the party’s flagging campaign.

At one point last year, Bukele told a group of internatio­nal bankers: “If you lived for one day in El Salvador, you would set fire to all the politician­s together.”

Such rhetoric has fanned fears that Bukele, largely freed from legislativ­e restraint, will run roughshod in the remainder of his fiveyear term.

“The excess of power, without control ... tends to corrupt, not only on the economic level, but also in the terrain of ideas, ethics and human rights,” stated an editorial published Monday by the University of Central America in San Salvador.

The Jesuit-run institutio­n — where soldiers in 1989 killed six priests, their housekeepe­r and her 16year-old daughter in one of the most notorious massacres of the civil war — added: “To believe that El Salvador can show progress with authoritar­ianism [and] lacking dialogue is not to know its history.”

Miguel Fortin Magaña, a columnist for the newspaper La Prensa Grafica, tweeted: “Rest in peace, El Salvador. Yesterday you lost your democracy.”

But Bukele supporters were elated. Fireworks filled the night sky in San Salvador as they celebrated his victory.

“To all who helped throw out the corrupt ones .... THANK YOU!” tweeted Milena Mayorga, the Salvadoran ambassador to Washington.

Bukele, a former mayor of San Salvador who once headed a motorcycle distributo­rship in the capital,

won the presidency on an outsider platform of fighting corruption, transcendi­ng political partisansh­ip and restoring security.

His hipster image, built on a penchant for sunglasses and leather jackets, and his agility on social media helped solidify his standing as a youthful reformer who could help El Salvador escape its past. He was 10 when the peace accords ended the war.

“El Salvador has turned the page on the postwar era,” Bukele declared after being elected.

He had run under the banner of a small, centerrigh­t party while New Ideas — which he had formed a year earlier — was still being legalized.

Bukele assiduousl­y pursued and achieved a close relationsh­ip with the Trump administra­tion. He labeled President Trump “cool,” inked an immigratio­n deal with Washington assailed by human rights advocates as unfair to migrants, and broke off ties with Venezuela’s socialist government.

He is unlikely to enjoy a similar closeness with President Biden, who has emphasized the spreading of democracy and the fight against corruption in Central America.

Juan González, the National Security Council’s senior director for the Western Hemisphere under Biden, told El Salvadoran news site El Faro in January that he expected “difference­s” with Bukele and that any leader not “ready” to combat corruption would not be a U.S. ally.

The Associated Press reported that no one from Biden’s team agreed to see Bukele during a recent visit to Washington. Bukele denied any snub.

Bukele’s popularity in El Salvador is undisputed. Some polls have shown a more than 80% approval rating, a reflection in part of widespread dissatisfa­ction with the corruption-ridden parties that long dominated.

Many voters credit Bukele’s security policy with helping to bring down endemic gang violence, though El Salvador’s homicide rate, among the world’s highest, had been in decline for years before he took office.

Bukele has also forged close ties to the powerful armed forces and police, and championed cash grants and free-food distributi­on to the needy.

“Despite Bukele’s clear authoritar­ian tendencies ... the Salvadoran president is a political juggernaut in a country where an overwhelmi­ngly young population evinces scant concern with the erosion of democratic norms and institutio­ns,” Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington think tank, said in an email.

“The only constraint­s on Bukele’s power are besieged independen­t media and civil society groups in El Salvador, as well as a Biden administra­tion that has already showed its concern about the country’s worrying authoritar­ian slide.”

 ?? Moises Castillo Associated Press ?? PRESIDENT Nayib Bukele after his election in 2019. On Sunday, Bukele’s party won a landslide in midterm balloting, likely giving him the power to fill key posts and pass laws despite objections from other parties.
Moises Castillo Associated Press PRESIDENT Nayib Bukele after his election in 2019. On Sunday, Bukele’s party won a landslide in midterm balloting, likely giving him the power to fill key posts and pass laws despite objections from other parties.

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