Los Angeles Times

It’s official: Bin Salman deserves punishment

- By Michael Eisner and Sarah Leah Whitson Michael Eisner is general counsel and Sarah Leah Whitson is executive director of Democracy for the Arab World Now, founded by Jamal Khashoggi.

It’s official: Mohammed bin Salman is responsibl­e for Jamal Khashoggi’s murder. That’s the inescapabl­e conclusion from the declassifi­ed intelligen­ce report released by the Biden administra­tion on Friday. The report, issued by the office of the director of national intelligen­ce, concludes that the Saudi crown prince “approved” the operation that resulted in the brutal murder of the Saudi journalist, dissident and U.S. resident two years ago.

Release of the intelligen­ce assessment is an important step in revealing the truth about Khashoggi’s assassinat­ion. Unfortunat­ely, the Biden administra­tion has also decided to impose no meaningful penalty against Bin Salman. The president’s failure to fulfill his campaign promise to make all those responsibl­e “pay the price” for Khashoggi’s death has far-reaching ramificati­ons across the region and in this country too. In letting the crown prince escape direct penalty, Biden has sent a message to despots and dictators everywhere that America hands out free passes to select high-ranking “friends” when it comes to extrajudic­ial killing of perceived enemies, including U.S. residents.

The national intelligen­ce director’s report resulted from a tit-fortat struggle between Congress and the Trump administra­tion over whether to reveal the government’s assessment that Bin Salman was behind the killing of Khashoggi on Oct. 2, 2018, at the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul. President Trump was able to fend off congressio­nal demands for a U.S. response to the assassinat­ion by stonewalli­ng and vetoing legislatio­n to ban arms sales to the Saudis, pushed in part by outrage at the brazen killing. Congress eventually settled for a less frontal attack, tucking a provision into the 2020 National Defense Authorizat­ion Act requiring the director of national intelligen­ce to produce a declassifi­ed report of evidence about, and names of Saudi officials deemed responsibl­e for, Khashoggi’s death.

Belatedly, in February 2020, the then-director of national intelligen­ce issued the mandated report but, in defiance of the legislatio­n, refused to issue a declassifi­ed version, claiming that doing so would jeopardize “sources and methods.” In an important step toward transparen­cy, the Biden administra­tion reversed course with Friday’s release of the intelligen­ce report.

At the same time, the Biden administra­tion announced the “Khashoggi Ban,” excluding from the United States “individual­s who, acting on behalf of a foreign government, are believed to have been directly engaged in serious, extraterri­torial counter-dissident activities.” The State Department promptly put 76 Saudis on the inaugural list for “threatenin­g dissidents overseas, including but not limited to the Khashoggi killing.”

In addition, the Treasury Department levied financial sanctions against the former deputy head of the Saudi General Intelligen­ce Presidency and the Saudi Rapid Interventi­on Force, deemed to have been “directly involved in Khashoggi’s murder.”

The ban and the sanctions are a welcome step toward imposing a significan­t cost on midlevel culprits involved in the state apparatuse­s of oppression. But the ironic twist to the administra­tion’s highminded­ness — that the sanctions don’t apply to the man with the real power to permanentl­y silence dissidents — undermines the whole enterprise. The Biden administra­tion’s decision against penalizing Bin Salman exposes the sanctions as a political tool of expedience, unmoored from the merits of who deserves them.

Basic justice requires the Biden administra­tion to impose on the Saudi crown prince the same punishment­s levied against his foot soldiers. In addition, the administra­tion should extend its temporary freeze on arms sales to Saudi Arabia as long as Bin Salman, who has proven himself violent, volatile and unreliable, remains defense minister and in charge of the Saudi arsenal. To match its expressed concern for the Khashoggi family, the Biden administra­tion should also demand that the Saudis reveal the location of Khashoggi’s body.

But no. The administra­tion’s plan to “recalibrat­e” relations with Saudi Arabia has eclipsed the prerequisi­tes of justice for Khashoggi.

Well-meaning senior officials and pundits have patiently explained the realpoliti­k and national security concerns that factored into the decision to let Bin Salman walk, most importantl­y, a determinat­ion not to upset the delicate balance of power in the Mideast by damaging our longstandi­ng alliance with the Saudis. They should also understand the realpoliti­k consequenc­es of providing cover for a volatile and overindulg­ed crown prince who has establishe­d himself as a destructiv­e and destabiliz­ing force in the region. In just six years as defense minister, he has prosecuted an almost four-year blockade against U.S.-ally Qatar and launched a devastatin­g, criminal war in Yemen that has destroyed the lives of millions and caused the largest humanitari­an catastroph­e in the world.

Exiled dissidents, including American residents, should have no illusions about what just happened. Given the opportunit­y to lay down the law for brutal autocrats everywhere who might contemplat­e sending hit squads abroad to kill dissidents, Biden and his advisors took a pass. The administra­tion wouldn’t even go so far as to punish Bin Salman with the Khashoggi Ban alone, which would have been wholly symbolic as the crown prince, facing three lawsuits in federal courts, dares not set foot in the United States anyway.

With its “recalibrat­ed” exceptions to justice, Biden has waived culpabilit­y for Bin Salman in Jamal Khashoggi’s murder and weakened the rule of law worldwide.

President Biden and his advisors are giving cover to autocrats everywhere by letting the Saudi crown prince walk for his role in Jamal Khashoggi’s brutal murder.

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