Los Angeles Times

A new spotlight on victim-defendants

Some who are preyed upon in sex traffickin­g cases wind up being doubly punished by the criminal system.

- By Julie Dahlstrom Julie Dahlstrom is a clinical associate professor of law at Boston University, director of the Immigrants’ Rights & Human Traffickin­g Program and author of the recent law review article “Traffickin­g and the Shallow State.”

In the sex-traffickin­g trial of Ghislaine Maxwell, British socialite and close associate of the late disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein, prosecutor­s and the defense have presented dueling theories. Prosecutor Lara Pomerantz has alleged that Maxwell and Epstein were “partners in crime” in perpetrati­ng horrific sexual abuse. Maxwell’s attorney Bobbi Sternheim presented a quite different narrative. She argued that Maxwell is on trial because she is a “convenient stand-in” for Epstein. She suggested that Maxwell was a victim of Epstein’s manipulati­ons. What if both sides are right? Perhaps we will never know if Maxwell was truly a victim of Epstein. What we do know is that most victim-defendants in traffickin­g cases in the U.S., unlike monied socialite Maxwell, are more likely to be people of color, indigent and have suffered a history of abuse.

Their criminal cases are less likely to command headlines. Rarely can they afford private counsel. They are less likely to share their stories of victimizat­ion. When they do, they are less likely to be believed. In traffickin­g rings, some victims take on responsibi­lity for and control of other victims within the enterprise, often out of fear and to survive. Yet media portrayals tend to feature simplistic views of villains and victims, when the reality is more complex.

Legislator­s and prosecutor­s have consistent­ly struggled to make sense of victim-defendants. Since Congress passed the Traffickin­g Victims Protection Act of 2000, which establishe­d federal sex traffickin­g crimes and protection­s for victims, we continue to see how the categories of “victim” and “defendant” have proved to be less than tidy.

According to a recent study from the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, women and girls represent the majority of human traffickin­g victims. They also make up a large portion of those prosecuted for traffickin­g-related crimes. The study notes that while most countries report that female offenders accounted for less than 15% of total crimes, 30% of traffickin­g cases involved female defendants. The report also found that “trafficker­s use victims to shield themselves from prosecutio­n.”

Many victims who play a role in the traffickin­g are themselves victims of gender-based violence. Indeed, they are often intimately connected to the lead perpetrato­rs. They are their partners, their sisters and their mothers.

For example, in 2016, a Boston man, Raymond Jeffreys, was sentenced to 30 years in prison for sex traffickin­g. Jeffreys was accused of traffickin­g women and teenage girls across multiple states in New England. He targeted women who were unhoused and struggled with substance abuse. Yet many of the victims had children with Jeffreys; some actively facilitate­d his crimes. Two women, despite being victims, were ultimately charged with traffickin­g-related crimes. They were sentenced to prison and five years of supervised release — punishment­s that, no doubt, would delay efforts to rebuild their lives.

Criminal law is a blunt instrument for navigating the challenges presented by the victim-defendant. There is little room for gray. Moreover, anti-traffickin­g efforts in the United States have prioritize­d criminal prosecutio­n. Federal money has flowed into nonprofit organizati­ons to promote collaborat­ion with government­al task forces and law enforcemen­t. Few incentives exist to unravel the complexiti­es presented by victimdefe­ndants or to provide alternativ­e solutions.

We are seeing new efforts to try to correct course. Some states have passed laws to allow victim-defendants to vacate or expunge criminal conviction­s related to their victimizat­ion. Some victimdefe­ndants, such as Cyntoia Brown, have told their stories publicly and galvanized support for clemency. Some survivors have received prominent pardons.

Meanwhile, human traffickin­g courts, while imperfect, have emerged to divert victim-defendants from the criminal legal

We may never know if Ghislaine Maxwell was truly a victim of Jeffrey Epstein. We do know that most victim-defendants in traffickin­g cases are poor, abused and people of color.

system.

The reality is that these efforts, alone, are insufficie­nt to stem the flow of victim-defendants into the criminal system. Gaps still remain. For example, there is no federal avenue to vacate criminal conviction­s that relate to traffickin­g. There are very few reentry programs that help victim-defendants who emerge from the criminal legal system.

Moreover, criminal law remains the dominant mode of government­al interventi­on. The typical response is to seek prosecutio­n, rather than to examine the factors that render individual­s vulnerable to exploitati­on and abuse.

Victim-defendants in sex traffickin­g cases are often doubly punished by the criminal system. We should be having a broader discussion about just treatment for these defendants and consider more nuanced solutions.

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