Wealth gap helps fuel Kazakhstan protests
While the nation sits atop colossal reserves of oil and other riches, many of its people are struggling financially.
MOSCOW — Kazakhstan is experiencing the worst street protests the country has seen since gaining independence from the Soviet Union three decades ago.
Police in the country’s largest city, Almaty, say that dozens of people have been killed in attacks on government buildings. At least a dozen law enforcement officers have been killed.
The outburst of instability is causing significant concern in Kazakhstan’s two powerful neighbors: Russia and China. The country sells most of its oil exports to China and is a key strategic ally of Moscow.
A sudden spike in the price of car fuel at the start of the year triggered the first protests in a remote oil town in the west. But the tens of thousands of people who have since surged onto the streets across more than a dozen cities and towns now have the entire authoritarian government in their sights.
President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has cut an increasingly desperate figure. He first sought to mollify the crowds by dismissing the entire government early Wednesday. But by the end of the day he had changed tack. First, he described demonstrators as terrorists. Then he appealed to a Russian-led military alliance, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, for help in crushing the uprising, and the alliance agreed to send an unspecified number of peacekeepers.
Why are people angry?
Of the five Central Asian republics that gained independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union,
Kazakhstan is by far the largest and the wealthiest. It spans a territory the size of Western Europe and sits atop colossal reserves of oil, natural gas, uranium and precious metals.
But while Kazakhstan’s natural riches have helped it cultivate a solid middle class, as well as a substantial cohort of ultra-rich tycoons, financial hardship is widespread. The average national monthly salary is just under $600. The banking system has fallen prey to deep crises precipitated by non-performing loans. As in much of the rest of the region, petty corruption is rampant.
The rally that set off the latest crisis took place in the dusty western oil town of Zhanaozen. Resentments have long festered in the area over a sense that the region’s energy riches haven’t been fairly spread among the local population. In 2011, police shot dead at least 15 people in the city who were protesting in support of oil workers dismissed after a strike.
When prices for the liquefied petroleum gas that most people in the area use to power their cars doubled overnight on Jan. 1, patience snapped. Residents in nearby cities quickly joined in, and within days large protests had spread to the rest of the country.
Who is leading the protests?
The suppression of critical voices in Kazakhstan has long been the norm. Any figures aspiring to oppose the government have either been repressed, sidelined or co-opted. So although these demonstrations have been unusually large — some drawing more than 10,000 people, a large number for Kazakhstan — no protest movement leaders have emerged.
For most of Kazakhstan’s recent history, power rested in the hands of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev. That changed in 2019 when Nazarbayev, now 81, stepped aside and anointed his longtime ally Tokayev as his successor. In his capacity as head of the security council that oversees the military and security services, Nazarbayev continued to retain considerable sway over the country.
Tokayev announced Wednesday that he was taking over from Nazarbayev as security council head.
Much of the anger displayed on the streets in recent days was directed not at Tokayev but at Nazarbayev, who is still widely deemed the country’s ultimate ruler. The rallying cry “Shal ket!” (“Old man go!”) has become a main slogan.
How are the authorities responding?
A police official in Almaty said Thursday that dozens of people were killed in attacks on government buildings.
There were attempts to storm buildings in Almaty, the commercial capital, during the night and “dozens of attackers were liquidated,” police spokeswoman Saltanat Azirbek said. She spoke on state news channel Khabar 24. The reported attempts to storm the buildings came after widespread unrest in the city on Wednesday, including seizure of the mayor’s building, which was set on fire.
The initial reaction was in keeping with usual policy in the face of public discontent. Police and the national guard were deployed in large numbers. The crowd that made its way to city hall in Almaty early Wednesday was met by large phalanxes of riot police and armored personnel carriers. While gatherings are normally dispersed with ease, the number of people on the street this time was too large.
With government buildings coming under assault in several large cities, Tokayev appealed for help from the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The Kazakh president justified the appeal for external intervention by saying the protesters were operating at the behest of international terrorist groups. He offered no details on what he meant by that.
Is the government likely to be toppled?
This is uncharted territory for Kazakhstan. The country has seen major demonstrations before: in 2016, after the passage of a contentious land law, and again in 2019, after the election that secured Tokayev’s hold on power. But never anything on this scale.
In one of his appeals to the public Wednesday, Tokayev pledged to pursue reforms and hinted that political liberalization might be possible. His darker remarks toward the end of the day, however, suggested he would instead go down a more repressive road.
Still, because the street protests are so lacking in focus, at least for now, it’s difficult to see how they might end. Even if they fail to topple the government, it looks possible that they might lead to deep transformation. What is unclear is what that might mean.