Los Angeles Times

Breyer’s retirement preserves status quo, for good and bad

The appointmen­t of a successor is unlikely to reduce the partisansh­ip that has beset the court.

- Ustice Stephen G. Breyer

Jhas made many rulings during a long and distinguis­hed career, but his most consequent­ial may turn out to be the one reported Tuesday: He will retire from the U.S. Supreme Court at the end of its current term in June, allowing President Biden to nominate his replacemen­t, and a Senate barely controlled by Democrats to confirm the appointmen­t.

The issue of timing has hounded Breyer, a liberal justice and a native California­n, for more than year. At 83, he’s now the oldest justice by a decade and has served on the court for more than 27 years. The question many observers asked was whether he would step down before the looming midterm election, when Republican­s could take control of the Senate.

Political partisansh­ip ought to make little difference to the court’s compositio­n, but the sorry fact is that it does. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) last year said that if Republican­s took back the Senate, it would be “highly unlikely” that any Biden nominee would be confirmed.

That approach continues the increasing politiciza­tion of the court, which has ramped up to extreme levels during McConnell’s tenure as Senate majority leader, first in 2016 when he refused to even consider President Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland on the specious argument that it was a presidenti­al election year and any appointmen­t should hold until there was a new president. Yet when Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died in September 2020, with Donald Trump in the White House and just weeks before a presidenti­al election, McConnell moved quickly to confirm the nomination of Amy Coney Barrett, Trump’s third Supreme Court appointmen­t.

Regard for the court as a nonpartisa­n institutio­n that rules according to the law and the Constituti­on, and not partisan loyalties, has suffered. Calls for Breyer to retire while Democrats control the White House and Congress are unseemly, as they were for Ginsburg, but understand­able. This problem could be resolved in part by limiting the justices’ terms to 18 years. That would permit a predictabl­e schedule of presidenti­al appointmen­ts.

In the meantime, Republican­s could fix some of the damage caused to the court and the confirmati­on process by supporting any qualified Biden nominee.

And Biden, for his part, should swiftly nominate Breyer’s successor, allowing the confirmati­on process to move forward well in advance of the midterm election. Breyer’s retirement won’t reverse either the destructiv­e partisansh­ip that has undermined the court or the court’s increasing­ly conservati­ve political orientatio­n. He is a liberal, although by no means a leftist progressiv­e, and Biden will likely choose someone with a similar outlook to replace him.

But the timing of his retirement means that, at least for now, the partisansh­ip is unlikely to get much worse.

This problem could be resolved in part by limiting the justices’ terms to 18 years to permit a predictabl­e schedule of appointmen­ts.

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