Los Angeles Times

What the end of Roe will mean for our data

Web surveillan­ce threatens abortion rights, but there are protection­s.

- By Cynthia Conti-Cook and Kate Bertash Cynthia Conti-Cook is a civil rights lawyer and tech fellow at the Ford Foundation. Kate Bertash is the director of the Digital Defense Fund.

Oknow more about us than our families and friends do. They know what we watch, what we’ve searched for and whom we’ve emailed, not just recently but stretching back months and years. The leak of a draft opinion indicating the Supreme Court’s intent to overturn Roe vs. Wade raises huge concerns for how online searches, text messages and emails can be used to target and criminaliz­e pregnant people seeking abortion care and support.

Digital autonomy and bodily autonomy are inextricab­ly linked. Just as we need the right to ownership and control over our bodies, we should have the same over our data. But this has not been the case.

Digital devices collect a remarkable amount of informatio­n about where people go, who they are in contact with and what they surf the internet about. A 2020 report from the technology policy organizati­on Upturn details how widespread — and unregulate­d — digital device extraction tools are in the U.S. These tools are used by police, school, housing and immigratio­n agencies to wrench informatio­n from smartphone­s.

Police have broad authority to subpoena digital data when someone is suspected of a crime — which abortion will surely become in many states. Once in police possession, software can be used by officers to translate smartphone data so it can be searched by keyword or image. They can organize communicat­ions, location data and other events into chronologi­cal digests or map them onto geographic maps or social networks.

All this informatio­n is likely more incriminat­ing in a post-Roe world than, for example, apps people use to track menstrual periods. Although those apps have a direct connection to reproducti­ve cycles, it’s more likely that law enforcemen­t and others will use more common digital activity to determine if someone has searched for abortion pills, communicat­ed with abortion providers or related services, or even if they’ve traveled out of state for care.

At least as far back as 2015, we’ve seen law enforcemen­t extract data from devices and present it as evidence in criminal cases against women facing charges related to terminatin­g their pregnancie­s.

Police department­s have used data with few restrictio­ns. In Wisconsin last year, for example, the state Supreme Court permitted the use of digital evidence downloaded from someone’s cellphone in a case — even though the data were extracted by the police department in one county for one investigat­ion, then used months later by the sheriff ’s department in another county for a different case.

Abortion is still legal as the country awaits an official decision from the U.S. Supreme Court, but it’s not too early for individual­s to reduce the digital footprint of their internet research into abortion and related services. It’s also not too late to reconsider data protection­s that include large loopholes for law enforcemen­t.

Although it is impossible to completely delete your digital footprint, there are steps to shrink it — and make others have to pay, litigate, get a warrant, hack or otherwise work to get it. Three steps can help. First, don’t hand over your phone to anyone. Consenting to a search of a personal digital device amounts to digital self-incriminat­ion without a Miranda warning. Yet the Upturn report found that most people hand over their devices to state agencies not knowing they don’t have to. Michigan is the only state whose constituti­on requires law enforcemen­t to secure a warrant to search digital devices. A few other states, like Utah and California, require a warrant by statute.

Second, wherever possible, use secure communicat­ion platforms. End-to-end encrypted apps, such as Signal, are better than SMS texts and chat communicat­ions using services such as Google Chat or WhatsApp. Encrypted apps, which can import your old contacts, don’t store the content of your text messages. Features to make messages disappear from encrypted apps should be turned on even for the most casual or innocuous messages.

Third, use tools that prioritize internet privacy. Web browsers such as Tor conceal user location and online activity, and search engines such as DuckDuckGo don’t store or share user data. For a cost, virtual private networks (VPNs) shield your website visits from internet service providers, which could be subpoenaed for your data by authoritie­s.

But none of these efforts is a substitute for more robust protection­s of our digital autonomy. Data brokers make massive profits trading the informatio­n we relinquish to them via the technology our lives depend on. Even California — often held up as having strong digital privacy laws — leaves broad exceptions for authoritie­s to access personal data, and these laws more generally do not account for how much private data can be accessed without a warrant. Law enforcemen­t and private citizens can also simply buy some personal data from private companies. Now is the time for us to demand ownership and control over our data.

For people whose reproducti­ve choices end up criminaliz­ed, many reproducti­ve justice organizati­ons already offer resources. The Digital Defense Fund uses technology to defend and secure abortion access. The Repro Legal Defense Fund covers bail and legal costs for people being prosecuted for self-managed abortions, and their partner organizati­on If/When/How runs a Repro Legal Helpline that provides free, confidenti­al legal informatio­n and advice about self-managed abortion.

Reproducti­ve freedom is indivisibl­e from all other forms of freedom. The outpouring of nationwide protest in defense of Roe makes it clear that our communitie­s are essential to defending our rights. We work to keep one another safe. Our devices and our democracy should do the same.

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