Trump volatility on rise with power on wane
With four weeks left in President Donald Trump’s term, he is at perhaps his most unleashed — and, as events of the past few days have demonstrated, at the most unpredictable point in his presidency.
He remains the most powerful person in the world, yet he is focused on the one area in which he is powerless to get what he wants: a way to avoid leaving office as a loser.
He spends his days flailing for any hope, if not of actually reversing the outcome of the election, then at least of building a coherent case that he was robbed of a second term.
When he has emerged from his relative isolation in recent days, it has been to suggest out of the blue that he would try to blow up the bipartisan stimulus package, driving a wedge through his party in the process, and to grant clemency to a raft of allies and supporters, mostly outside the normal Justice Department process.
He has otherwise sequestered himself in the White House, playing host to a cast of conspiracy theorists and hard- core supporters who traffic in ideas like challenging the election’s outcome in Congress and even invoking martial law, seeking to give some of them government jobs.
He is almost entirely disengaged from leading the nation even as Americans are being felled by the coronavirus at record rates. Faced with an aggressive cyber assault almost surely carried out by Russia, his response, to the degree that he has had one, has been to downplay the damage and to contradict his own top officials by suggesting that the culprit might actually have been China. He played almost
no role in negotiating the stimulus bill that just passed Congress, and then he worked to disrupt it at the last minute.
It is not clear that Trump’s latest behavior is anything other than a temper tantrum, attention-seeking or a form of therapy for the man who controls a nuclear arsenal — although one alternative, if charitable, view is that it is strategic groundwork for a grievance-filled run in 2024.
If nothing else, it will make for an especially anxious next 27 days in Washington.
This article is based on interviews with more than a dozen current and former administration officials, Republicans and allies of the president.
Most of his advisers believe that Trump will depart the White House for a final time by Jan. 20. The pardons he announced Tuesday
suggest he is comfortable using his powers aggressively until then. But how far he will go to subvert the election results, actually refuse to leave the White House or to unleash a wave of unilateral policy decisions in his final weeks is hard to discern.
Still, his erratic behavior and detachment from his duties have even some of his most loyal aides and advisers deeply concerned.
For the moment, Trump has told advisers he is willing to stop listening to Sidney Powell, the lawyer who has appealed to him by peddling a conspiracy theory about the election; and people like Patrick Byrne, the former chief executive of Overstock.com, who was present for a wild, nearly five-hour meeting in the Oval Office and then the presidential residence Friday.
But current advisers have
described a daily struggle to keep Trump from giving in to his impulse to listen to those who are telling him what he wants to hear. And former advisers say the most worrisome issue is the gradual disappearance of the core group of West Wing aides who, often working in unison, consistently could get him to turn away from risky, legally dubious and dangerous ideas.
“The number of people who are telling him things he doesn’t want to hear has diminished,” said his former national security adviser, John Bolton, who had a very public parting of ways with Trump and who has been vocal in objecting to the president’s thrashing against his electoral loss.
Trump has turned to aides like Peter Navarro, a trade adviser who has been trying to gather evidence of election fraud to bolster his boss’s claims. And he is listening
to Republicans who insist that Vice President Mike Pence could help sway the election during the normally routine process of ratifying the election early next month, despite the fact that it is not realistically possible.
mong Republicans on Capitol Hill, there is talk of clamping down on any of his supporters who might try to disrupt that process, a possibility made real by the president’s importuning of Sen.-elect Tommy Tuberville of Alabama to gum up the works.
Yet it is not certain that Tuberville will carry through with the president’s desires, and even he if does, there is the possibility that Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican majority leader, could step in to prevent such a move. McConnell has already urged his caucus not to raise objections when the results are certified because it would force others to publicly vote against the president.
Even in the best of times, Trump has searched for — and required — reinforcements from people outside the White House in support of whatever his aides will go along with.
But in the White House, Trump is turning on his closest of allies. He has complained to allies that Pence, who has been mocked for unflinching loyalty over the past four years, should be doing more to defend him. And he is angry that McConnell has recognized Presidentelect Joe Biden as the winner of the election.
This week, Trump had an assistant send a chart featuring the timing of his endorsement of McConnell overlaid on polling data to claim he was responsible for McConnell winning reelection this year — a claim that political professionals would dispute — and to suggest the majority leader is ungrateful for his help.
And Tuesday, Trump tweeted a broadside against Senate leadership by attacking McConnell and the majority whip, Sen. John Thune, R-S.D., who had said any challenge to ratification of the election results would go down like a “shot dog.”
At the Justice Department, Attorney General William Barr’s public and emphatic rejection Monday of the need for special counsels to investigate election fraud and Hunter Biden appeared intended in part to insulate his short-term successor, Jeffrey Rosen, from any further pressure on those fronts by the president.
Privately, allies who have stood by as Trump has weeded out others through loyalty purges — and who have dismissed criticisms that the president has authoritarian tendencies — are expressing concern about the next four weeks.