Marin Independent Journal

Britain and EU reach accord on terms of Brexit

- By Mark Landler and Stephen Castle

LONDON » Britain and the European Union struck a hard-fought trade agreement Thursday, settling a bitter divorce that stretched over more than four years and setting the terms for a post-Brexit future as close neighbors living apart.

The deal, which must be ratified by the British and European parliament­s, came together in Brussels after 11 months of grinding negotiatio­ns, culminatin­g in a last-minute haggle over fishing rights that stretched into Christmas Eve, just a week before a year-end deadline.

Despite running to thousands of pages, the agreement leaves critical parts of the relationsh­ip to be worked out later. And it will not prevent some disruption to trade across the English Channel, since British exports will still be subjected to some border checks, adding costs for companies and causing potential delays at ports.

But it is nonetheles­s a landmark in the longrunnin­g Brexit drama — the bookend to Britain's

departure from the European Union in January and a blueprint for how the two sides will coexist after severing deep ties built over a 47-year relationsh­ip. A failure to come to terms could have left Britain and the EU in a bitter standoff, poisoning relations for years to come.

“It was a long and winding road, but we have got a good deal to show for it,” said Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, the bloc’s executive arm. “This moment marks the end of a long voyage.”

Brexit began as a project to assert British sovereignt­y and throw off the constraint­s of Brussels. Fueled by anti-immigrant fervor and a belief that an independen­t Britain would fare better in a changing world, it became at times an insoluble riddle — how to unravel more than 40 years of ties without inviting chaos.

As the debate played out, the world shifted around Britain. Rising populists like President Donald Trump erected barriers to trade; the pandemic put globalism on the defensive; and the victory of Joe Biden in the U.S. presidenti­al election called the goit-alone ethos of Brexit into question.

To allow enough time to confront these issues, Britain agreed to continue abiding by most of the rules and regulation­s of the EU until the end of this year while negotiator­s hashed out new arrangemen­ts to govern a vast cross- Channel trade, valued at more than $900 billion a year.

If approved, the agreement will take effect on Jan. 1, 4 ½ years after a narrow majority of people in Britain voted to leave the European Union, plunging the country into rancorous debate and political divisions.

For Prime Minister Boris Johnson of Britain, who won a landslide election victory in 2019 vowing to “get Brexit done,” the deal allows him to fulfill that promise. He sounded triumphant when speaking shortly after the announceme­nt. “We’ve taken back control of our laws and our destiny,” he said.

“For the first time since 1973,” Johnson said, “we will be an independen­t coastal nation with full control of our own waters.”

But to get there, the prime minister had to make significan­t concession­s, especially on rules that cover state aid to businesses and European rights to continue fishing in those waters.

Britain will subscribe to “level playing field” principles, hewing closely to EU standards and regulation­s for the foreseeabl­e future. Should disputes arise, they will be settled through arbitratio­n rather than the automatic penalties that the EU had been demanding.

The European Court of Justice, anathema to Brexiteers, will have no role.

In fishing, the last issue to be resolved and the most politicall­y sensitive, the sides agreed on a 25% reduction in quotas for EU nations to be phased in over 5 ½ years. Britain had been pressing for a threeyear transition, the bloc for 14 years.

The agreement does not cover services, such as London’s mighty finance sector, which account for about 80% of the British economy.

In a blow to young people in Britain and across Europe, Johnson said the country would no longer participat­e in the Erasmus exchange program, a Europe-wide program that has allowed about 200,000 students a year to travel abroad for study, work experience and apprentice­ships since 1987.

In June, Johnson spurned a chance to extend the transition period for a year and warned that Britain was ready to walk away without an agreement if Brussels did not give it sufficient latitude to develop its economy free from the influence of European rule-making. As late as this week, he insisted

that Britain would “prosper mightily” with a no- deal exit.

That assertion got an early test over the past week when the outbreak of a rapidly spreading variant of the coronaviru­s in Britain prompted France to halt freight shipments for two days. That caused a large backup of trucks close to the ports of Dover in England and Calais in France, stoking fears of food shortages and empty shelves in British supermarke­ts.

From the start, Johnson framed the negotiatio­ns as an opportunit­y to assert Britain’s sovereignt­y in a post-Brexit world. Inevitably, though, given the European Union’s much greater size and economic muscle, its negotiator­s were able to insist that Britain stay aligned with the bloc in some critical respects.

Von der Leyen said the agreement would guarantee fair competitio­n and respect for the EU’s rules and standards.

“No deal in the world can change reality and gravity in today’s world,” she said. “We are one of the giants.”

Despite the vast interests at play, and recent weeks of brinkmansh­ip, the trade talks unfolded for the most part with less drama or visibility than the political debate that preceded them. That was partly deliberate. Johnson’s government wanted to push Brexit out of the spotlight in order to highlight an agenda of developing Britain’s industrial north.

But external events also altered the negotiatin­g dynamic.

The pandemic ravaged Europe, preoccupyi­ng leaders and pushing Brexit off their radar screens until

very late in the year. It also added to the pressure to conclude a deal, since neither side wanted to inflict more damage on their economies after the dislocatio­n caused by months of lockdowns.

In the United States, the victory of Biden over Trump in last month’s election changed the calculatio­n for Johnson. Trump, an enthusiast­ic proponent of Brexit, had promised that the United States would negotiate a lucrative trade deal with Britain after it left the European embrace.

Biden, however, has said that he views Brexit as a mistake and has ruled out negotiatin­g new trade agreements with any country until, he says, the United States improves its competitiv­eness at home. That has deprived Johnson of one of his primary selling points for concluding the Brexit process.

Biden is also a staunch defender of Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement, the peace accord that settled decades of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland. A failed Brexit trade negotiatio­n could have threatened that peace since it would have raised the specter of a return to a hard border across the island of Ireland.

During the U. S. campaign, Biden put Johnson on notice that Britain should not undermine the accord. And since the election, British officials have been at pains to demonstrat­e their readiness to work with the Biden administra­tion on issues like climate change and support for NATO.

The long road to the barebones agreement began in 2016, when the British prime minister at the time, David Cameron, scheduled a referendum on European Union membership as a way of settling decades of division within his Conservati­ve Party over Britain’s integratio­n with continenta­l allies. Unexpected­ly, voters backed leaving.

But Cameron, who wanted to remain in the bloc, prevented officials from drawing up plans for what Brexit would actually look like. That unenviable task fell to Theresa May, who took over as prime minister when Cameron quit after the shock of the vote.

For almost three years, May labored in vain to craft and win Parliament’s support for an arrangemen­t that would end the right of Europeans to settle and work in Britain and allow the country to leave the union’s economic embrace.

Her solution to the riddle of Northern Ireland was to promise to negotiate a trade deal but, in the meantime, remain relatively closely tied to the European trading system to prevent the creation of a hard border in Ireland.

While that would have helped businesses, which worried about the disruption of Brexit, it would have required continuing to obey many European rules — something that was anathema to hard- line Brexiteers. Opponents of Brexit were also unimpresse­d and pressed for a second referendum to overturn the result.

The upshot was months of angry stalemate and repeated futile votes in Parliament, which ended only with May’s resignatio­n. Johnson then won his thumping election victory.

Though Johnson opted for a much more distant relationsh­ip with the European Union — seeking only a basic trade deal — even that proved elusive during months of bluster, bickering and brinkmansh­ip.

Often, the two sides talked past each other. For Johnson and his band of Brexiteers, reassertin­g sovereignt­y, escaping Europe’s economic rule book and revitalizi­ng Britain’s economy were the cardinal objectives.

For the EU, defending the integrity of its single market was paramount. Britain’s go-it- alone instincts meant that Brussels risked giving preferenti­al access to its market to a competitor who applied less stringent standards to exports.

 ?? ANDREW TESTA — THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Supporters and opponents of Brexit rally last year outside Parliament in London. A narrow majority of people in Britain voted to leave the European Union.
ANDREW TESTA — THE NEW YORK TIMES Supporters and opponents of Brexit rally last year outside Parliament in London. A narrow majority of people in Britain voted to leave the European Union.

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