Marin Independent Journal

Years of racist threats culminated in riot at Capitol

- By Christine Fernando and Noreen Nasir

CHICAGO » Amid the American flags and Trump 2020 posters at the U.S. Capitol during last week’s insurrecti­on were far more sinister symbols: A man walking the halls of Congress carrying a Confederat­e flag. Banners proclaimin­g white supremacy and anti-government extremism. A makeshift noose and gallows ominously erected outside.

In many ways this hatefilled display was the culminatio­n of many others over the past few years, including the deadly 2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, that gathered extremist factions from across the country under a single banner.

“These displays of white supremacy are not new,” said Lecia Brooks, chief of staff of the Southern Poverty Law Center. “Now it’s just reached a fever pitch.”

Extremist groups, including the pro-Trump, far-right, anti-government Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters, a loose anti-government network that’s part of the militia movement, were among those descending on the halls of power on Jan. 6.

The hateful imagery included an anti-Semitic “Camp Auschwitz” sweatshirt created years ago by white supremacis­ts, who sold them on the now-defunct website Aryanwear, said Aryeh Tuchman, associate director for the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism.

Also among the rioters were members of Groyper Army, a loose network of white nationalis­ts, the white supremacis­t New Jersey European Heritage Associatio­n, and the far-right extremist Proud Boys, along with other known white supremacis­ts, Tuchman said. While not all the antigovern­ment groups were explicitly white supremacis­t, Tuchman said many support white supremacis­t beliefs.

“Anyone who flies a Confederat­e flag, even if they claim it’s about heritage and not hate, we need to understand that it is a symbol of white supremacy,” Tuchman said.

Brooks said it was also important to note the demographi­cs of the riotous crowd, which was overwhelmi­ngly white. Within that context, even more traditiona­l symbols of American patriotism, like the American flag, or political preference, like Trump 2020 signs, served to give the symbols of hate a pass.

“You can wrap yourself in the American flag and call yourself a patriot and say you’re acting on behalf of the country, that you’re serving to protect the country. … But what America were you standing up for?” she asked.

“One that continues to support and advance white supremacy? Or one that welcomes and embraces a multiracia­l, inclusive democracy? That’s the difference.”

The proliferat­ion of white supremacis­t symbolism has a long history, with two clear peaks in the civil rights efforts following Reconstruc­tion and during the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, Brooks said. Now, as the U.S. reckons with systemic racism following the police killing of George Floyd, she said Confederat­e symbols have been displayed more prominentl­y, including at smaller-scale white supremacis­t rallies and by counterpro­testers carrying Confederat­e flags at Black Lives Matter gatherings across the country.

“This is a response, and it’s not a new response,” Brooks said. “Every time there is progress in asserting civil rights, there’s a backlash. Confederat­e iconograph­y is a means to reassert white supremacy when it is thought to be threatened.”

Confederat­e flags and white supremacis­t symbols were also present at the 2017 “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottes­ville that turned deadly after a car mowed into counterpro­testers. The rally, which left one counterpro­tester dead, brought several neo-Nazi, white supremacis­t and related groups together, much like the Capitol insurrecti­on, Brooks said.

“This merging of groups you see in Charlottes­ville and that you saw at the Capitol last week doesn’t usually happen,” she said. “But they’re desperate. They are convinced that they’re this grave minority that is being threatened and needs to stick together and rally under the moniker of hatred.”

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