Miami Herald (Sunday)

Trump in rush to cement policies before Biden starts

Although President Donald Trump has spent the weeks since Biden was declared president-elect looking for ways to block the election results, his administra­tion has been busy nailing down his policies.

- BY MICHAEL D. SHEAR New York Times

Voters have decided that President-elect Joe Biden should guide the country through the next four years. But on issues of war, the environmen­t, criminal justice, trade, the economy and more, President Donald Trump and top administra­tion officials are doing what they can to make changing direction more difficult.

Trump has spent the last two weeks hunkered down in the White House, raging about a “stolen” election and refusing to accept the reality of his loss. But in other ways he is acting as if he knows he will be departing soon and showing none of the deference that presidents traditiona­lly give their successors in their final days in office.

During the past four years Trump has not spent much time thinking about policy, but he has shown a penchant for striking back at his adversarie­s. And with his encouragem­ent, top officials are racing against

the clock to withdraw troops from Afghanista­n, secure oil drilling leases in Alaska, punish China, carry out executions and thwart any plans Biden might have to reestablis­h the Iran nuclear deal.

In some cases, like the executions and the oil leases, Trump’s government plans to act just days – or even hours – before Biden is inaugurate­d Jan. 20.

At a wide range of department­s and agencies, Trump’s political appointees are going to great lengths to try to prevent Biden from rolling back the president’s legacy. They are filling vacancies on scientific panels, pushing to complete rules that weaken environmen­tal standards, nominating judges and rushing their confirmati­ons through the Senate, and trying to eliminate health care regulation­s that have been in place for years.

In the latest instance, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin declined to extend key emergency lending programs that the Federal Reserve had been using to help keep credit flowing to businesses, state and local government­s and other parts of the financial system. He also moved to claw back much of the money that supports them, hindering Biden’s ability to use the central bank’s vast powers to cushion the economic fallout from the virus.

Terry Sullivan, a professor of political science and the executive director of the White House Transition Project, a nonpartisa­n group which has studied presidenti­al transition­s for decades, said Trump was not behaving like past presidents who cared about how their final days in office shaped their legacy.

“They are upping tension in Iran, which could lead to a confrontat­ion. The economy is tanking, and they are not doing anything about unemployme­nt benefits,” he said.

It is one final norm shattered by Trump – and a stark contrast to the last Republican president who handed over power to a Democrat.

Former President George W. Bush consciousl­y left it to his successor, Barack Obama, to decide how to rescue the auto industry and whether to approve Afghan troop increases. And when Congress demanded negotiatio­ns over the bank bailouts, Bush stepped aside and let Obama cut a deal with lawmakers even before he was inaugurate­d.

Aides to Bush said the outgoing president wanted to leave Obama with a range of policy options as he began his presidency, a mindset clearly reflected in a 2008 email about negotiatio­ns over the status of U.S. forces in Iraq from Joshua Bolten, Bush’s chief of staff at the time, to John Podesta, who ran Obama’s transition, just a week after the election.

“We believe we have negotiated an agreement that provides PresidentE­lect Obama the authoritie­s and protection­s he needs to exercise the full prerogativ­es as commander in chief,” Bolten wrote to Podesta on November 11, 2008, in an email later made public by WikiLeaks. “We would like to offer, at your earliest convenienc­e, a full briefing to you and your staff.”

That has not been Trump’s approach.

The president has continued to deny Biden briefings and access to agency officials – delays that the president-elect has said threatened to undermine the country’s response to the pandemic. And far from seeking to help Biden’s team, Trump has spent more than two weeks actively seeking to undermine the legitimacy of his victory.

Biden and his top aides have not publicly criticized the president’s policy actions at home or abroad, abiding by the tradition that there is only one president at a time. But the president-elect has vowed to move quickly to undo many of Trump’s domestic and foreign policies.

That will most likely start with a blitz of executive actions in his first days in office as well as an aggressive legislativ­e agenda during his first year.

Some of Trump’s advisers make no attempt to hide the fact that their actions are aimed at deliberate­ly hamstringi­ng Biden’s policy options even before he begins.

One administra­tion official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of not being authorized to talk publicly, said that in the coming days there would be more announceme­nts made related in particular to China, with whom Trump advisers believe that Biden would try to improve relations.

Some of Trump’s actions are all but permanent, like the nomination of judges with lifetime appointmen­ts or the naming of his supporters to government panels with terms that stretch beyond Biden’s likely time in office. Once done, there is little that the new president can do to reverse them.

But they are not the only nominees administra­tion officials are trying to rush through.

Among the others are two nominees to the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, who would serve until 2024 and 2030 respective­ly; a trio of possible members to the Federal Election Commission to serve six-year terms; and nominees to the Federal Communicat­ions Commission and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, who, if confirmed, would prevent Biden from installing majorities on those bodies until well into 2021.

Other actions may be possible to reverse but are designed to exact a political price for doing so.

Since the election, Trump has ordered the withdrawal of thousands of troops from Afghanista­n, where Trump aims to halve an already pareddown force of 4,500 by the time he leaves office, defying the advice of some top generals.

Trump’s last-minute withdrawal­s could force Biden into an unwanted confrontat­ion with Democrats in Congress if he decides he needs to return to the modest preelectio­n status quo.

Analysts say that Trump’s withdrawal of troops also deprives the United States of any leverage in the ongoing peace process in Afghanista­n between the Taliban and the Afghan government, potentiall­y allowing the Taliban to make important military gains.

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