Miami Herald

How to counter China’s influence in Latin America

- BY CASEY CAGLEY AND MATT SCHRADER

President Biden clearly had China in mind when, at the inaugural Americas Partnershi­p for Economic Prosperity, he promised our neighbors in Latin America “… a real choice between debt-trap diplomacy and high-quality, transparen­t approaches to infrastruc­ture and to developmen­t.”

The president’s remarks touched on a key theme that the U.S. needs to translate into action: Democracy and transparen­cy aren’t just tools to “win” the great power competitio­n with China; they’re what deliver the best results for citizens across the Southern Hemisphere.

America’s renewed attention to this critical region is long overdue. The People’s Republic of China is now the largest trade partner for nine countries in Latin America, and 21 nations in the region have signed onto China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Although Chinese infrastruc­ture projects have been disastrous in countries like Ecuador, in other places they have proven popular, especially in energy generation.

China made these inroads due to the (mostly false) perception that an absence of stringent labor or environmen­tal regulation­s make its investment­s less expensive and better targeted than America’s. As a result, in critical sectors such as infrastruc­ture, 5G telecommun­ications and power generation, China has outpaced the United

States in Latin America.

If the U.S. is serious about prevailing in the geopolitic­al contest with China, our Latin America strategy requires urgent attention, and should prioritize strengthen­ing Latin America’s democratic institutio­ns. Improved accountabi­lity to citizens will enable these countries to demand higher standards from all foreign investors, exposing the costs associated with China’s “no strings attached” approach — such as extensive corruption and environmen­tal damage — while highlighti­ng the advantages of greater cooperatio­n with America.

Polling from the Internatio­nal

Republican Institute indicates that citizens in Latin America are generally unaware of the financial activities of the Chinese state. In Panama, 62% of respondent­s were unaware of any major Chinese investment in their country, despite a portfolio including a cruise terminal, convention center, and a new bridge over the canal.

The U.S. must work harder to raise the awareness among government­s across the region; they play a central role in procuremen­t for large infrastruc­ture projects, making them particular targets for China’s outreach.

Similarly, the U.S. should lean into the democratic nature, transparen­cy, and competitiv­eness of procuremen­t processes in U.S.-funded projects to enhance our advantage, especially those under the Inter-American Developmen­t Bank (IDB). China is a member of the IDB, and while companies from China should have the same right to compete as those from any other member state, the U.S. should coordinate with other IDB members to demand that China-based companies meet commonsens­e standards on corruption, collusion and investment­s with potential dual-use military or espionage capabiliti­es.

Finally, support for a robust independen­t media is crucial. Genuine investigat­ive journalism can help shed light on the unfavorabl­e terms of Chinese investment­s, its harmful environmen­tal impact, and labor abuses by China’s state-backed companies. The U.S. should do more to protect reporters facing threats, harassment, and even violence because of their work on sensitive topics like corruption in Latin America. The U.S. can also help foster the profession­al networks journalist­s need to expose the complex web of China’s investment­s.

The long-standing trade links and historical ties between the U.S. and democracie­s in South America present immense opportunit­y for engagement. The U.S. should not look to “counter” China simply for the sake of great power rivalry. By tending to the economic and democratic well-being of our partners and neighbors, the American government will advance both Latin American and U.S. core interests.

Casey Cagley is the advisor for Latin America and the Caribbean at the Internatio­nal Republican Institute. Matt Schrader is the advisor for countering foreign authoritar­ian influence at the Internatio­nal Republican Institute.

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