Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Trump in error on hacking report

- LOUIS JACOBSON Louis Jacobson is a reporter for PolitiFact.com. The Journal Sentinel’s PolitiFact Wisconsin is part of the PolitiFact network.

On Jan. 6, President-elect Donald Trump was briefed on the U.S. intelligen­ce community’s probe into allegation­s of Russian influence in the 2016 presidenti­al election, including possible connection­s to electronic hacks and public releases of private communicat­ions by senior Democrats.

A declassifi­ed version of the report found that “Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered an influence campaign in 2016 aimed at the U.S. presidenti­al election.”

“Russia’s goals were to undermine public faith in the U.S. democratic process, denigrate (Trump’s opponent, Hillary) Clinton, and harm her electabili­ty and potential presidency.”

Following the intelligen­ce briefing, Trump’s office released a statement. After noting the “constructi­ve meeting” and the “tremendous respect” he had for their work, Trump stated:

While Russia, China, other countries, outside groups and people are consistent­ly trying to break through the cyber infrastruc­ture of our government­al institutio­ns, businesses and organizati­ons including the Democrat (sic) National Committee, there was absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election including the fact that there was no tampering whatsoever with voting machines. There were attempts to hack the Republican National Committee, but the RNC had strong hacking defenses and the hackers were unsuccessf­ul.

The phrase that caught our eye was, “there was absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election.”

That’s a pretty definitive statement.

However, the argument that there was no impact of any kind on the election outcome is not backed up by the intelligen­ce community’s report. The report specifical­ly stated it didn’t look at that question.

Here’s what the report actually said:

We did not make an assessment of the impact that Russian activities had on the outcome of the 2016 election. The U.S. Intelligen­ce Community is charged with monitoring and assessing the intentions, capabiliti­es, and actions of foreign actors; it does not analyze U.S. political processes or U.S. public opinion.

So if the Trump campaign is using the intelligen­ce community report to back up its assertion that there was no Russian influence on the outcome, it’s doing so without justificat­ion.

When we contacted the Trump transition media office, we did not receive a response. Here’s our review of the publicly available evidence.

Ballot counts

The Trump camp has a point on one issue: Despite some concern among security experts going into the election that Russia might hack into state and local vote-counting systems and tamper with the tallies, the intelligen­ce community report found that any such efforts by Russia were not successful in changing any votes.

The report says that while “Russian intelligen­ce obtained and maintained access to elements of multiple U.S. state or local electoral boards,” the Department of Homeland Security “assesses that the types of systems Russian actors targeted or compromise­d were not involved in vote tallying.”

Some observers might be concerned that Russia did manage to breach at least some election authoritie­s’ computer networks, and they might also be concerned that Russia and Putin, according to the report, tried to influence the election, even if it’s less clear whether they succeeded.

Still, Trump has a point that Russia didn’t literally change actual votes electronic­ally.

Ballot tampering vs. other types of Russian influence

Members of the Trump camp have portrayed the report’s clean bill of health on the question of Russian ballot-tampering as proof that Russia had no impact at all on the election.

For instance, on the Jan. 8 edition of CNN’s “State of the Union,” incoming White House counselor Kellyanne Conway told Jake Tapper that “if you read the full report, they make very clear, (Director of National Intelligen­ce James) Clapper in his testimony (to the Senate Armed Services Committee) made very clear on Thursday under oath that that any attempt, any aspiration to influence our elections failed. They were not successful in doing that.”

On “Fox News Sunday,” incoming White House chief of staff Reince Priebus echoed Conway’s invocation of Clapper’s testimony, saying Clapper had testified to the Senate panel “that there is no evidence in the report that any of this changed the outcome of the election.” Neither assertion is accurate. First, to equate a lack of ballot tampering with a lack of any Russian influence on the election conflates two things that are not the same.

Conway and Priebus essentiall­y defined ballot-rigging as the only way an election can be influenced, when in reality the intelligen­ce report primarily addresses other ways Russia tried to influence the election.

The Russian effort blended, in the report’s words, “covert intelligen­ce operations — such as cyber activity — with overt efforts by Russian Government agencies, state-funded media, third-party intermedia­ries, and paid social media users or ‘trolls.’ ”

And second, Clapper in his testimony never said that “any attempt, any aspiration to influence our elections failed” (as Conway put it) or that “there is no evidence in the report that any of this changed the outcome of the election” (as Priebus put it).

Clapper’s most direct remark at the Senate hearing on this issue came in this exchange with the panel’s chairman, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.):

McCain: “So really, what we’re talking about, is if they succeeded in changing the results of an election, of which none of us believe they were, that would have to constitute an attack on the United States of America because of the effects, if they had succeeded, would you agree with that?”

Clapper: “First, we cannot say — they did not change any vote tallies or — or anything of that sort.”

McCain: “Yeah, I’m just talking about...”

Clapper: “And we have no — we have no way of gauging the impact that — certainly the intelligen­ce community can’t gauge the impact it had on the choices the electorate made. There’s no way for us to gauge that.”

Subsequent­ly in the hearing, Clapper arguably went even further in a response to questionin­g by Sen. Angus King (I-Maine).

King, referring to his work with Baltic states that have been grappling with Russian influence in elections for several years, said, “The best defense is for our public to know what’s going on, so they can take it with a grain of salt . ... That’s why I think public hearings like this and the public discussion of this issue is so important, because we’re not going to be able to prevent this all together. But we need to have our people understand that when they’re being manipulate­d. Would you agree with that conclusion?”

Clapper responded, “Absolutely. That’s why I feel so strongly about the statement in October,” referencin­g his own statement during the campaign that the Russian government had been engaged in efforts “intended to interfere with the U.S. election process.”

How credible is the argument that Russia influenced the election in some fashion?

U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff (DCalif.) is one of many Democratic officials who believe that other types of Russian efforts may have had an impact on an election that ultimately hinged on fewer than 100,000 votes cumulative­ly in three states — Michigan, Pennsylvan­ia and Wisconsin.

In a PBS interview Jan. 6, Schiff specifical­ly referred to the hacking and release to websites such as WikiLeaks of personal emails written and received by Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta and other top Democrats — releases that Trump prominentl­y featured during the campaign.

“The daily dumping of informatio­n that was damaging to Secretary Clinton and helpful to Donald Trump was hugely consequent­ial,” Schiff said.

But is it possible to move beyond a gut feeling and prove that Russia influenced enough voters to change the election’s outcome?

Not really, say political scientists.

A campaign as large-scale as a presidenti­al race is buffeted by so many factors that it’s essentiall­y impossible to know for sure that any given factor played a role in determinin­g who won.

“It is difficult to argue that the barrage of damaging informatio­n released almost exclusivel­y about Clinton and Democrats did no harm or did not create an atmosphere in which voters questioned her judgment or credibilit­y or dampen support for her candidacy,” said Costas Panagopoul­os, a Fordham University political scientist.

That said, Panagopoul­os added, “in truth, there is no way to know with certainty what the causal impact of Russian involvemen­t was on the outcome of the 2016 election.”

Our rating

After meeting with senior intelligen­ce officials about the details of a soon-to-be-released report on alleged Russian hacking, Trump said that activities by foreign government­s had “absolutely no effect on the outcome of this election.”

Trump can use the intelligen­ce report to bolster this assertion only in one limited way — that Russia did not succeed in tampering with vote counts (though it appears to have tried).

On the broader issue of whether Russia had any impact on the outcome of the election, the report specifical­ly noted that it didn’t address this issue, and Clapper in his Senate testimony didn’t either. Saying there was no Russian ballot-tampering is not the same thing as saying there was no Russian influence on the election.

Political scientists say it’s impossible to move beyond informed speculatio­n about whether there was a Russian impact on the election’s outcome — or, importantl­y, whether there wasn’t an impact.

Trump’s formulatio­n, echoed by later statements by those in his camp, offers a definitive, broad-brush conclusion that isn’t proven by the evidence, and really can’t be.

We rate this statement Mostly False.

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