Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Claim about violence in Democratic cities overreache­s

- Eric Litke

Are areas populated by Democrats more violent?

That’s the fundamenta­l claim in a viral Facebook post connecting murder rates and partisan leanings in America’s largest cities.

The June 16 post lists “America’s deadliest cities,” including Milwaukee, citing FBI crime data. It then labels each as having a “Democrat majority” before concluding with this: “We don’t need gun control, we need Democrat control!”

This post was flagged as part of Facebook’s efforts to combat false news and misinforma­tion on its News Feed.

The claim raises two questions on the accuracy of the “deadliest” label and the partisan leanings. But the third — bigger — question is whether it’s reasonable to connect the two.

Let’s dive in.

Cities list is outdated

The graphic’s “deadliest” label is attributed to the FBI Uniform Crime Report. We’ll take that to refer to the “murder and non-negligent manslaught­er” data the FBI compiles annually for every city in the U.S.

There are a few issues here. First, the varied demographi­c and cultural factors at play in each city make comparing raw data like this a questionab­le exercise. The FBI explicitly warns against this type of ranking:

These rough rankings provide no insight into the numerous variables that mold crime in a particular town, city, county, state, tribal area, or region. Consequent­ly, they lead to simplistic and/or incomplete analyses that often create misleading perception­s adversely affecting communitie­s and their residents. Valid assessment­s are possible only with careful study and analysis of the range of unique conditions affecting each local law enforcemen­t jurisdicti­on.

In addition, the ranking compiled here is out of date.

Eight of the cities listed in the graphic — including Atlanta, Cincinnati and Oakland — are no longer among the 25 with the highest per-capita rate of murder and manslaught­er, based on the 2018 FBI crime data, the latest available.

Party affiliatio­n hard to pin down

The second element of the claim, the party affiliation, is trickier to pin down.

We’re taking this claim to refer to the politics of the city as a whole, rather than the leadership, since the “majority” reference and the adaptation of the gun control phrase both seem to refer to a general group more than those in authority.

We would typically use a recent national election such as the 2016 presidenti­al race to compare communitie­s around the country. But election results are traditiona­lly reported at state and county levels, not the city level.

We did find an analysis that looked at Metropolit­an Statistica­l Areas around cities. But these areas include surroundin­g counties that are more suburban (and Republican), so it wouldn’t be reasonable to compare voting data from that larger area to crime data from within city limits.

But suffice it to say, urban areas vote Democratic.

The New York Times broke down 2016 results at the precinct level, and the maps show a clear pattern across the country of concentrat­ed Democratic voting in densely-populated urban centers, with increasing Republican support in the outlying areas.

The pattern applies for cities throughout the list in the Facebook post: St. Louis, Baltimore, Milwaukee, Chicago, even smaller cities.

Elected leadership skews heavily Democratic in these cities as well. Among the 25 cities with the highest murder/manslaught­er rate in 2018, three had Republican mayors, according to Ballotpedi­a and our research. Some of those cities, like Milwaukee, are led by a Democrat even if the office is officially nonpartisa­n.

Connecting violence and party not reasonable

All of which brings us to the core question: is it reasonable to connect the violence and partisansh­ip?

In short: no.

“I don’t think there’s any data that would allow us to draw a causal conclusion here,” said David Weisburd, executive director of the Center for Evidence Based Crime Policy at George Mason University. “Somehow arguing that Democrats cause crime or something of that sort just doesn’t fit the history of crime prevention in the U.S.”

If you interpret the claim as referring to Democratic leadership, Weisburd notes President Bill Clinton had one of the strongest recent administra­tions in terms of funding the criminal justice system.

But more broadly, linking crime and votes simply doesn’t reflect how crime works. Studies have repeatedly found that urban crime is not a widespread phenomenon — like voting is — but a product of small groups of people in small areas.

One 2015 study examined crime networks in Chicago and found 70% of nonfatal gun injuries occur within networks that contain just 6% of the city’s population. Another study that year found crime across a number of cities was concentrat­ed in “microgeogr­aphic hot spots.”

Weisburd said his research revealed a “law of crime concentrat­ion”: Across an array of large cities, 1% of city streets account for about 25% of the crime, and 5% of streets account for about 50% of the crime.

An array of local socioecono­mic and cultural factors play a role in which areas yield that concentrat­ed crime. But it’s a lot more than politics.

A 2018 study from Boston University found racial segregatio­n is a key risk factor for firearm homicide.

Our ruling

A viral Facebook post links “America’s deadliest cities” with having a “Democrat majority,” implying a causal connection.

The data cited has some fundamenta­l issues, notably that it uses out-ofdate FBI data and ranks cities by crime rate when the FBI specifically warns against doing so.

This glosses over the array of intensely local factors that influence crime. Violent crime in particular stems from a limited group of people in a limited area, so assuming that segment has a particular political bent based on the city at large — and that their violence stems from those politics — is a stretch at best.

Large cities do have more crime. And they do have more Democrats — both in terms of general voting and local leadership. But it’s a classic example of correlatio­n without evidence of causality.

We rate this Mostly False.

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